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DlARV OF 

Caft. Henry C. Dickinson 

C. S. A. 



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of which this is 



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PRESENTED TO 



BY 



Diary of 
Capt. Henry C. Dickinson 



C. S. A. 



MORRIS ISLAND 

1864-1865 



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Sriiiration 

This book is dedicated to the memory of my 
beloved mother — 

•'SALLY JANE DICKINSON" 




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Foreword 

This book is an exact copy of a diary written by my father. 
Captain Henry C. Dickinson. C. S. A., while he was a prisoner 
in Northern prisons during the years 1864-1865. 

The diary was written in five small memorandum books in an 
exceedingly small but legible handwriting. It was handed down 
to me by my mother in 1 889, as I was then the eldest child of my 
father. Believing it would be of interest to his family and friends, 
and realizing that in a few years more the diary would be illegible, 
I have decided to have it published, and copies given to those whom 
I think would appreciate them. 

In publishing this little volume, it seemed desirable to insert a 
brief biography of my father, together with such pictures as I have 
in my possession. 









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Biography 



Henry Clay Dickinson, son of William and Mary Church 
Dickinson, was born in Bedford County, Virginia, February 21st, 
1830, and died in Charleston, West Virginia, April 20th, 1871. 
He was liberally educated in his youth, graduating first from 
Hampden-Sidney College, and later from a private law school in 
Lexmgton, Virgmia. where he studied under Judge Brockenbrough. 
On November 1 3th, 1858. he was married to Sally Jane Lewis of 
Charleston, West Virginia. They immediately settled in Bedford 
County, Virginia, where he was admitted to the bar and practiced 
law until the spring of I 861 . when the war broke out. 

By birth and rearing, he was a Southern gentleman of the 
old school, and, together with his brother, John Quince Dickinson, 
enthusiastically took up arms for the Confederate cause. The two 
brothers served with valor until they were made prisoners by the 
Federal forces. Henry Dickinson was captain of Company A, 
Second Virginia Cavalry, when he was captured. He was incar- 
cerated in several Federal prisons, among them Morris Island. Pu- 
laski and Point Lookout, and. together with six hundred other 
prisoners, was under fire at Fort Sumpter. 

He was in prison for more than a year, and during this time 
endured many of the worst hardships that a military prison could 
inflict. WTien General Lee surrendered and President Davis was 
captured, his father persuaded him to take the oath of allegiance. 
He was then allowed to return to his family, who had moved to 
Charleston, West Virginia. 

The law then in force would not allow him to practice his 
profession, so he turned his energy to other lines. For a time he 









followed salt-making with his father, but later embarked in the 
bankmg busmess. He was one of the incorporators, and the first 
president, of the Kanawha Valley Bank, holding the latter posi- 
tion until his death. At the time of his death he was also serving 
as Mayor of Charleston, being the first Democrat ever elected to 
that office. He was buried with Masonic rites and ritual, having 
been a Mason for many years. His death was mourned by the 
whole city, as he was almost universally admired and beloved — 
rich and poor, high and low, recognizing his sterling qualities. 

To Captain and Mrs. Dickmson were born five girls, namely, 
Mary Church, Virginia. Julia Agerton, Anni^n.^ewis, Fanny Quar- 
rier, and one son, Henry Clay. The first three died in early 
womanhood. Anny Lewis became the wife of Benjamin B. 
Brown of Charleston, W. Va., who died in 1906, survived by 
three children, Mary Dickinson, now Mrs. Charles L. Lowell, 
James Frederic and Sally Lewis. In 1910 Mrs. Brown was 
married to Harold L. Morris of Denver, Colorado. Fanny Quar- 
rier became the wife of Andrew H. Boyd of Charleston, W. Va., 
and they now have one child, Francis Dickinson. Henry Clay 
married Margaret Young of Winsboro, S. C, and died Septem- 
ber 15, 1913, survived by one child. Sally Lewis. 






Diary of 
Capt. Henry C. Dickinson 



C. S. A. 



MAY II. 1864— MAY 23. 1865 



Morris Island. Sept. 13. 1864. 

Being on Morris Island today without books to read, 
hungry, and finding it impossible to mingle freely with my friends 
in their small tents, or to exercise in the streets by reason of the 
heat; having no comfort or enjoyment (unless it be a comfort to 
ponder over the cruelties of the United States Government), under 
these circumstances I have concluded to spend some of my time 
in jotting down my impressions of prison life as I have seen it, con- 
cluding that it may not be uninteresting to my home folks and 
friends who have never tasted the sweets of imprisonment. 

After the disastrous fight of the eleventh of May, 1864, at 
"Yellow Tavern," General Stuart boldly crossed the Chicka- 
hominy with two jaded pieces of brigades and confronted Sheri- 
dan's whole cavalry force, instead of permitting him to move to- 
wards Richmond and attack the infantry whilst we annoyed his 
rear. During the night following this fight, in which we were 
driven to the north side of the stream, Wickham's brigade moved 
to a position near the Central Railroad bridge, which point we held 
with a small part of the Fifth Regiment. About sunrise on the 
1 2th. the Second and Third Regiments had reached a convenient 
hill, to find our picket driven off and the enemy occupying the east 
bank. The Third held the position in front and the Second moved 
to the right, thus threatening Sheridan's left as he crossed. Our 

16 



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. r' T M r ri I ( I. 



line of battle was the arc of a circle, my squadron in the left cen- 
ter. Our extreme right was our weak f)oint, as the enemy's ad- 
vance on that point was covered by the growth of the river banks. 
The first attack was in my immediate front, by a regiment I think, 
and was soon repulsed ; then another regiment came up and at- 
tacked the right, which also was repulsed — then came enormous 
reinforcements. I think the whole of Buf's Division was in front 
of us. A furious onset was soon made on our right, and. gaining 
a position of comparative security, a part of the attacking troops 
kept up a continual fire on the right flank of our left squadrons, 
obliging us to "lie low" as the only protection from their assault. 
After a time the right, overpowered, gave way, and, as previously 
ordered, the squadrons in succession commenced retiring, under a 
heavy fire from the flank and front. When I had gone about 
twenty yards I felt a sudden jar — first in my right leg, then in my 
back — accompanied with the keenest pain in the leg I ever felt, 
and, try to run forward as I would, found myself moving in a 
circle. I saw that I could not get on alone and thought some of 
the men would notice my condition, but suppose they did not as I 
was then in the rear and they were near a deep ravine in my front. 
I then laid down behind an icehouse near me, and endeavored to 
see how badly I was wounded, supposing that I might escape cap- 
ture by getting into the icehouse. Later I did get inside it. but 
found that I must be discovered, and indeed was discovered at the 
moment by a sergeant of the Eighteenth Pennsylvania, who seemed 
in advance of his line. He had run up behind the house after fir- 
ing his piece at my company, and. looking in, saw me. He pre- 
sented his rep>eating guns and said. "Surrender and I'll treat you as 
a prisoner." I replied that I was disabled and surrendered. He 
insisted that I must go to the rear at once. I told him I could not 
walk, and then, examining my limb with his assistance, found only 
the rod mark of ihc bullet, which afterward turned black. Having 



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surrendered my pistol and given him my spurs (which latter he 
said some officer would take), with his assistance and still in much 
pain. I started to the rear, feeling much relieved that I had not 
really been wounded. Reaching the spot from which we had 
fought, I saw the body of poor Alexander of the Wise troop, shot 
through the head and surrounded by ruffians, who were deliberately 
rifling his pockets. I halted a second and in an authoritative man- 
ner demanded that they stand aside and let me have those articles. 
One of them at once leveled his gun, and, bestowing on me a bitter 
oath, would have given me a ball but for the sergeant who had me 
prisoner. I saw another body lying in the right of my company's 
position, and have since learned it was that of Lieutenant McGru- 
der. Poor Jim, purer patriots do not often bleed or die than thou. 
About this time came the advance of the cavalry charge with 
drawn sabres, and to my surprise elegantly mounted. It was a full 
brigade. The colonel commanding stopped and asked me if there 
was mfantry in front, which I thought impertinent and to which I 
replied, "Go to the front and you'll see." He gave a good oath 
and rode on. In my progress from that place to the rear I was 
asked by fully fifty officers and men whether we had anything but 
cavalry. Many cursed me. and all gazed at me as if I were a 
wild beast. Only the sergeant who had me in charge showed any 
courtesy. At the railroad bridge all was bustle and confusion; 
some men had plunged in the stream and were almost swimming, 
others crossed on a side bridge, whilst others were at work making 
a floor for the railroad bridge. I was taken across and General 
Sheridan was sought. He could not be found, but several, who 
got nothing by pumping me, kept turning me over. The sergeant 
continued to search for somebody who would give him a "receipt" 
for me. Finally I was carried near their battery, on the south side, 
which was then engaged with troops in the direction of Richmond. 
It rained intensely. Presently there seemed to be considerable con- 



> APT M C 

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- / (, ■>-. 



fusion around me, arising from the Richmond troops, and some 
officer (just as I was looking for a stampede and a lucky escape) 
rushed up and ordered. "Take the officer across the river as quickly 
as possible." I was hurried over, and soon put in the circle of the 
provost marshal, where I met some two hundred and fifty prisoners, 
including the political prisoners. I soon saw Willoughly Brocken- 
brough. by whom I was introduced to Captain Griffin of Baltimore 
Light Artillery, with both of whom I messed until I left Fort Dela- 
ware, on August 20th. I also found here R. West of my com- 
pany, who had been captured several days previously; Tom Sub- 
lett, formerly of my company, and several others whom I knew. 
Here we rested for some time, till the reconnoiter from Rich- 
mond had ended, and all of Sheridan's force had crossed. I had 
time here to look at the horses, equipage, wagons, etc., of this little 
army of cavalry, and my conclusion is that it was perfectly 
equipped. They had everything a soldier needed, and especially 
was I surprised to find wiry, mettlesome, firm, but rather large, 
horses in abundance. The privates and subordinate officers said that 
they numbered 1 6,000. I thought 10,000 was nearer the strength. 
They were out of rations except sugar and coffee, and the ammu- 
nition wagons had been emptied to carry their own wounded. A 
surgeon to whom I applied for a conveyance said they had none, 
and that I would suffer little inconvenience with my bruise, as it 
would be well in a few days. The utmost care, I noticed, was 
taken to prevent the escape or recapture of the prisoners. We were 
kept always between two divisions, with guards riding on each side 
of us, so near that each horse's head touched the tail of the one in 
front, with the additional precaution that a less numerous body of 
flankers rode some one hundred yards to the right and left of us. 
In this way we marched to Mechanicsville, some tVvo or three miles 
distant, and then halted to rest and eat. At Mechanicsville I 
wrote a note home, and, finding the provost marshal hungry, pcr- 






7^ ,;„Mu.^j;" 



suaded him that if allowed I could get something to eat for both of 
us at the principal house nearby. I desired to slip the note into 
some friendly hand. He gave permission and I went, under guard. 
Was going up the steps within a few feet of a kind, benignant look- 
ing lady when a fancy looking Weathersfield Yankee stopped me 
and asked my business. Said it was General Sheridan's head- 
quarters. He was adjutant general, and I couldn't speak to the 
lady. He tried to pump me, asking as to my brigade, Stuart's 
death, etc., and got mad because I refused to answer. He finally 
asked if I were a Mason. I replied. "Sir, we are enemies," at 
which rejoinder he became furious and cursed me. Said I, "I am 
a prisoner; if one of your friends will lend me his pistol, or if you 
will surrender yours. I'll make you take that back. I never insult 
a prisoner or a woman." His companions giggled, while he turned 
to the corporal and said. "Take that man back." I replied. "I de- 
sire, since I am exposed to insult here." The adjutant general 
scowled when aftenvards he saw me during the march, and I won- 
dered if I might not during the war have a chance at him. 

Sheridan evidently intended to march by the right-hand road 
toward Cold Harbor, but a reconnoiter toward the left satisfied 
him that side was safest. He advanced about two miles on that 
road and our cavalry were again in his front. I noticed during the 
fight that we prisoners were moved from place to place, so that we 
might be exposed to any shells thrown at their wagons. The fight 
resulted m the repulse of the Confederates and some twenty-five 
prisoners. After that there was no check upon the enemy; not a 
gun was fired until, near Malcum Hill, some of the Richmond 
troops dashed in and got a wagon and almost stampeded a division. 
Sheridan continued his march from Mechanicsville toward Dr. 
Games', reaching the latter place at I a. m. on the thirteenth. 
During the march we were compelled to wade creeks over our boots 
and splash through the mud. keeping always in the road lest some 






'«--'*•■-.■ V 



of us should escape. We slopped to rest once near a ditch into 
which I crawled and had all but my head hidden under some 
bushes. One moment more and I should be free, but durmg that 
moment the guard cried, "Come out of that ditch, sir," and pre- 
sented his gun. Of course I came out, and rather muddy. After 
this failure I talked to several of the guards and, finding one who 
was communicative, flattered him and finally proposed that he let 
me escape, offering him fifty dollars in Exchange Bank of Virginia 
notes. He declined the fee because he said it wns not current, but 
consented to fall back out of sieht and let me run for it. This he 
did later, but we had then reached a field neir Dr. Games', and 
there was no hope to escape. Reaching camp, my sentinel carried 
me to the well to get me off. but the Yanks were as thick as bees, 
and all recognized me as a Rebel. It soon commenced raining. 
We luckily got a blanket, threw it over us. and I slept gloriously, 
though very wet. Bob West was taking the measles. On the 
morning of the thirteenth he was broken out thickly with the red 
spots common to the disease. I applied to let him get in an ambu- 
lance, but there was none. I applied for a horse ; there was none 
to spare. I asked to let him be paroled; that, too, was refused. 
He must walk, and he did walk most of the long way that hard 
day's march, with measles. Finally, he managed to get a Rip and 
rode part of the way. Before leaving Dr. Gaines' house I asked 
the provost to let me go to the overseer's house, which I perceived 
was occupied. A corporal went with me. I tried to interest him 
in my favor and told him that the overseer's wife would h'de me 
and he could go back without me. He said he would like to let 
me go, as I was so anxious. "But," said he, "they will miss that 
curious coat of yours trimmed with yellow, and I'll be shot." His 
fears made him incorruptible. And this is indeed the secret of the 
Yankee rich. There is no bond of friendship between superior and 



20 



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Far Sim/Vr o/ A/r..j<j),'r "Cfn» /-u Captain H-. frins .n r. /in U 'i/- 



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inferior. The very life of every subordinate seems to be in the 
hands of his immediate superior. Each loves to rule with an iron 
rod. 

This thirteenth of May we marched nmeteen miles through 
the rain and slop, and reached Bottom's bridge at 4 o'clock, where 
\vc camped. As my boots would not go on over the blisters, I had 
to make the trip barefooted; many others followed my example. 
1 he same care was taken to guard us during this day, and the next. 
A division was marched to the front and formed to fight ; we were 
pushed up to its rear, with a brigade on our right flank; the rear 
division then galloped forward to another favorable position and we 
were again advanced. Thus they retired by eschilon for two days. 
1 heir continuous galloping told on their horses, and every hour a 
pistol shot destroyed the subsequent use of a broken-down horse. 
The saddle and bridle were cut to pieces and the rider became a 
dismounted cavalryman for the rest of the trip. Reaching camp, a 
major of the First Massachusetts called to enquire as to the fate of 
a Captain Cronningshield, who was supposed to have been killed at 
Ashland by my regiment. I told him that Capt. V. Lowry had 
his watch, and he said his friends would buy it after the war. This 
major said the war ought to stop, and kindly gave me a blanket, 
which honest Captain Prentiss took from me at Hilton Head. That 
evening I got a corporal to conduct me to a nearby branch, osten- 
sibly to bathe my feet and to wash the sand out of my boots. I 
worked on him long, showing my note for fifty dollars and offering 
him a check for fifty dollars on my father if he would let me slide. 
He said, like the otliers, that he would be detected. I asked him 
to let me get a hundred yards and then fire his piece. He replied 
that it would be cruel to do that. "Orders are general to shoot 
any of you who escape and you see we are surrounded by cavalry." 
He would not let me go. Again I laid down in the rain, wrapping 
my blanket around me, and slept without dreams. Our supper and 

21 






U k. 



breakfast consisted of strips of a cow. caught by the ^ ankees in 
the neighborhood and driven up to our quarters. The guards, how- 
ever, still had sugar and coffee and gave it to us very kindly. On 
the fourteenth we crossed Bottom's bridge and moved by Hooker's 
Hospital. \\ hite Oak Swamp and Malcum Hill down to Hommy 
Landing. I suppose. Our provost marshal this hot day took a de- 
light in pushing us, and refused to let us get water when we crossed 
a branch. I thought then there was no such other wretch, but have 
learned to consider him an angel. I saw some of their friends this 
day come out of a church near Malcum Hill, with the sacred books 
of our religion in their arms. I cried out, "Church-robbers." and 
the prisoners echoed it with a vengeance. This day and the day 
previous their pilfering propensities were exercised whenever an oc- 
casion offered. Quite a number of negroes followed their fortunes, 
some on foot, some horseback, some in carts. Corn houses were 
broken open, fences burned at night, meat houses, bee gums and 
some private houses plundered. 

At Malcum Hill there was some difficulty in signaling, and 
before the gunboats recognized Sheridan they threw several shells 
at him. That evening we encamped at Harrison's house, near a 
large woods, and Griffin and myself resolved to escape by going to 
an adjacent spring together and knocking down the sentinel. How- 
ever, just at dark we were called into line, separated from the 
political prisoners and marched off under a close guard to a boat, 
on which we were embarked and moved down that same night to 
Bermuda Hundred. Before bidding farewell to the land I had 
written a number of notes and letters, dropping some on the road, 
entrusting some to sentinels to leave for me at various homes and 
giving others to the political, or rather citizen, prisoners, whom I 
supposed would be released in a day or two, but whom I have since 
learned were held to languish at Fortress Monroe. 

On the fifteenth, after getting fair rations, we started for 



^jjnJ 



Fortress Monroe. We were not greatly crowded nor so securely 
guarded but that we could have taken the boat and made our es- 
cape. We did not know each other, however, and, some opposmg 
it, we did not try. Ben Butler's judge advocate was aboard, 
sought a conversation with me, and asked whether the people and 
army of the South really believed what our papers said of Butler's 
cruelty, etc. I replied that our papers all rather believed public 
opmion, and that Butler was universally execrated in the South. 
Ho dropped the conversation and me with it during the remainder 
of the trip. We landed at Fortress Monroe at 4 p. m., and, so 
far as I could see. the Rip Raps seemed the stronger fort of the 
two. A few parrot guns would soon level the forming battlements 
of Monroe. We disembarked and saw a number of negro troops 
for the first time; we were marched up to a prison near the Female 
Academy. The prisoners whom we found there were of a motley 
character — deserters, robbers, felons, citizens, soldiers and seamen, 
but there were Southern hearts among them, and we soon found 
ourselves at home as far as those could make us. While looking 
around for quarters an old silver-haired gentleman came up and 
said, "Sir, if you have no better quarters I will be glad to make 
you as comfortable as I can. " He was not polished and yet there 
was something in him I fancied, so I accepted his invitation. His 
name was Cobb, of Cobb's Island, ten miles east of Accomack 
county. Two sons were in the room with him and one or two 
others. All hands welcomed me and the old man sent to the 
sutlery and got butter, bread, molasses and cheese. We had coffee 
issued and had a good supper. Whilst the others were playing a 
game of cards the old man gave me a history of his troubles. He 
said that he and his sons had been arrested as bushwhackers, that 
no charges had been preferred and could not be, but that he ex- 
pected to remain there during the residue of the war. He said they 
had left all their families on the island under the charge of one sin- 






-i-^'fe^i 



gle white man, whom I imagme was a p>oor shield in the face of the 
droves of Yankees who daily prowled over his possessions. Cobb 
told me that his island was quite a place of resort, and was the best 
spot for fish and game on the continent. His wonderful tales of 
brant, wild geese and ducks, birds' eggs, sharks and other fish in- 
terested me till I I o'clock, and I intended then to accept his invita- 
tion to visit Cobb's Island after the war. He told me that a boat 
made the trip there from Norfolk twice each week. During the 
night I went below stairs with young Cobb to look after R. West. 
Cobb was attacked by a Yankee deserter and but for my help I 
believe would have suffered. He had previously warned me of the 
danger of going there, and we then gladly beat a retreat. Later in 
the night, several of our crowd were enticed into the rooms of these 
scoundrels and gagged and robbed. Someone made a noise in his 
room, when a sentinel fired, the ball striking the bunk of two men. 
The sixteenth was spent principally in making out our roll, a 
tedious job, and at 4 p. m. we marched down to the fort (on the 
way meeting Dr. Heber Goode just coming in), and embarked on 
board the Steamer Adalaide, Captain Cannon, for Point Lookout. 
The officer of the guard at first suspected that we would attempt to 
escape, but finally seemed disposed to favor us as far as possible. 
His guards were strict, yet the prisoners who were officers were al- 
lowed to go on deck and in the cabin, and when supper was an- 
nounced we went down to eat. I think there were some fifteen at 
the table, which was rather sumptuous, and I never saw so many 
fish and so much toast eaten at one time. When we went out and 
offered to pay for supper, the captain was standing by the steward 
and with a quiet little smile said, "Sir, I don't allow such fellows 
as you to pay me anything." I after\vards had a long talk with 
him at the pilot house about politics generally. We might have 
taken the boat easily if we had any organization, and after taking 
it wc could have made the pilot run us on the North Carolina coast. 

24 



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V M n I A V n F r A 1 . ^ ._i lln I' '^ i^y 



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On board were several ladies and gentlemen, all of whom but 
two ladies and their companions were "seasick." but who lavished 
upon us the greatest kindness and attention. The ladies who were 
married sought us out and mtroduced us to the single ones, all very 
much to the disgust of the Yankees, and talked and acted secrets 
freely and op>enly. Finding that some of the officers were needy 
they gave all their spare change, then took our names and after- 
wards while in prison we had abundant evidence that they had not 
forgotten us. 

We had a perfectly smooth sea, a beautiful night and about 
II p. m. ncared the Point Lookout light. A tug, which answered 
our signal, met and took us aboard at the wharf at Point Lookout. 
Several companies of the Sons of Africa here met us, formed in 
two lines. We were marched between them and. after considerable 
delay, during which ^I found that General Lee had already well- 
nigh filled the hospitals of this place with Yankee wounded, we 
were marched up to the office of Major Weymorth, the provost 
marshal. Some of the officers on the road smelled the negro odor 
and turned up their noses besides making some rough remarks, but 
Cuffee soon taught us to use his phrase that, "The bottom rail is on 
top now." My huge supper and imprudent eating at Fortress Mon- 
roe was beginning to tell on me and I was too sick with cholera 
morbus to take much interest in the naval proceedings. In addition 
to this the soreness in my hip and back was such that I could hardly 
get up when down, which condition prevailed for a week. We 
were drawn up in front of the provost, and soon the search com- 
menced. Some had borrowed gold and notes from the Navy offi- 
cers, who were prisoners at Fortress Monroe and were flush. I had 
a little in greenbacks, fifty dollars in Virginia money and some Con- 
federate. I rammed all of mine between my legs, and when asked 
for money told them to search, which they did but found nothing. 
All watches, jewelry and money which could be found was taken. 



and when I left Fort Delaware Weymorth had not then forwarded 
accounts of some of the gold watches. The presumption was that 
he never would. In this search hats were turned inside out. and so 
also of pockets ; boots were pulled off, etc. I his operation over we 
were all marched up to the pens, and there the officers were sep- 
arated from the privates and marched into the usual quarters. Dur- 
ing the remainder of the night we stayed in the dining hall, where I 
sat up and vomited till found about sunrise of the seventeenth by 
my friend Hiram Burks, an "old rat" who dated back to Gettys- 
burg. He kindly loaned me a clean shirt and drawers and carried 
me to the hospit.->.l where Dr. Hayes, of Morgan's command (who 
had charge), received me kindly and administered opium so freely 
that I slept for nearly two days. This was the hardest spell of 
cholera morbus I ever had. and left me prostrate. I remained in 
the hospital one week and received every attention that I desired. 
At this hospital Dr. Hayes had medicines and sick diet furnished in 
abundance, and there was very little control over his actions so that 
a sick man fared very well. Whilst in the hospital I gave out my 
soiled shirt and drawers to someone to be washed and never heard 
of them again, so that for three weeks, until I got some from Gra- 
ham Blackford, I had to wear Burks', and wash the same whilst 
minus those indispensable articles. 

Our addition to the number of officers here made about six 
hundred total, whilst in the adjoining pen the privates numbered, 
they said, ten thousand. We were quartered in large Sibley tents, 
which were quite comfortable. When discharged from hospital. I 
was put in a tent with Capt. Wm. Bailey. Captain Bruce, and Cap- 
tain Balcntinc of the Fifth Florida; also one Burley. a master in 
the Navy. The latter was the coarsest, roughest specimen of a 
Scotchman I ever saw. and so filthy and rude that, notwithstanding 
the fact that the others were pleasant gentlemen, I determined to 
f|uit. .Xbout this time some twenty privates, who were c)uartered 



i.^^.iIt>.L"--vu« / - '^< ^■:i^^ 'vt-kv4r^T:^\ .'"-^^^^^jrt^- )i\hii, i^xmi^ 



'■'%l 



with us and detailed to police, were ordered out, and Captain 
Mitchell, Captain Moon and Lieutenant Coles, of the C. D. Cav. 
and Captain Griffin and Private Willoughby Brockenbrough, of 
Griffin's Baltimore Light Artillery, and myself took one of the cast- 
off tents and lived together. 

The water at this place was obtained by digging anywhere 
from SIX to eight feet and, though cool, was either full of copper or 
copperas, which was very unpleasant to the taste and acted like 
salts upon the bowels. It, no doubt, was the prime cause of the 
fearful mortality among the privates. One day, whilst near the 
dining hall, when the partition fence was being removed, I saw a 
wagon moving out of camp, in which I counted nine coffins. Thus 
did the gallant sons of the South in these prisons, day by day, meet 
a more deadly foe than the canaille of the North. A private who 
was on detail in the officers' camp told me that a pxjst mortem exam- 
ination revealed the fact that the intestines were almost eaten up by 
the water. One thing is certain — a great many men were con- 
stantly sick with diarrhoea and dysentery, and, although but one of 
the officers died during the month I spent there, yet a number of my 
companions (too sick to be moved) were left there, and several of 
thorn, it has since been learned, died. 

In the September number of the American Newspaper, a cor- 
respondent, under date of July 27, I 8 — , said he had just returned 
from a visit to the "Rebels" at Point Lookout; that there were 
about thirteen thousand there and that on the day previous fourteen 
hundred were on the sick list. Thus were we kept on this narrow 
neck of land when, by their own testimony, one in every nine was 
sick. 

The fare at Point Lookout was better than at any other place 
in which I was confined. Previous to my arrival three meals a day 
had been served, but about that time two meals were issued: Break- 
fast, consisting of chicory coffee and bread, and dinner, consisting 

27 



-;.^y!^^ 



^ 



.-^»kS>l 



of meat sufficient for the day. bread, soup made of beans, occasion- 
ally molasses, rice, vinegar, etc. This continued till the first of July 
when the breakfast was omitted, though we could buy coffee and 
get pieces of plank, etc., and thus make out good meals. 

This order of the first of July emanated from the commissary 
general of provisions or secretary of war, and I judge affected all 
the prisoners alike. The cook and eating house was a large estab- 
lishment in which we stood up to eat. Each mess of eight had a 
particular place, where we found our eight rations with cups, plates, 
knives and forks for all. This house was exclusively managed by 
the prisoners, some privates being detailed to cook for us. The food 
was not well cooked, as the privates on duty had not been selected 
for their cooking qualities. Nevertheless, a hungry man could eat 
the victuals with a relish. The bread was loaf and very good. 
The sutler was allowed to keep many articles of food for the more 
fastidious, and, indeed, was only prohibited from selling boots, mili- 
tary clothing, and articles calculated to aid our escape. I found 
sugar worth 20 to 30 cents; coffee, 35 cents; eggs, 50 cents; mo- 
lasses, $2.00; lemons, 10 cents, and other articles in proportion, 
but this was the era of unsettled currency. Gold was worth $1 .75 
and daily creeping up. Goods went up with it. or rather ahead of 
if. until many articles of previous necessity became so high we could 
not buy them. When we left Fort Delaware sugar was 50 to 60 
cents; coffee, 80 cents; butter, 80 cents; eggs, 80 cents; molasses, 
$2.80, etc. Our me.ss bought us a large coffee pot, cabbaged a 
lot of plates, cups, spoons and knives from the cook house, made a 
sort of furnace on the edge of a bank, and, as most of us were en- 
abled to make money arrangements, we lived in very good style, 
spending some eighty dollars in about one month. In addition to 
our own cooking arrangements, two of the officers set up a regular 
eating house, at which quite a good meal could be gotten on the 
French plan. From him we occasionally got hot biscuit, corn 






"Tjy"' 



bread, eggs. etc. Nothing of the ardent spirits order could be got- 
ten here or elsewhere, unless smuggled in peach or tomato cans, the 
difficulty in doing this being to communicate with your friend out- 
side in such a way as not to be suspicioned. Whilst here I was al- 
most always threatened with dysentery and. supposing that some 
good brandy would benefit me. I wrote to my friend Thomas H. 
Halley. Callanoy county. Missouri, to send me some of Jesse Brad- 
ley's bitters. I suggested to him that, as bottles were sometimes 
broken, he had best have the bitters put in cans. In the same letter 
I stated that I was unwell and thought some brandy would do me 
good, but It was not allowed in camp. When this letter was re- 
ceived, my former neighbor. I. Nobles, read it and told Halley that 
he knew what kind of bitters Bradley made and drank. A box 
containing some bitters was started to me. also one to Quincy ; the 
latter got his on the seventeenth of August, but cans were then cut 
OF>en when received and he lost his by confiscation. On the day I 
left Fort Delaware, a box was called for Capt. H. L. Hickerson. 
I went through the crowd as fast as possible, and got through in 
time to see them taking out my box. so long coveted. This was a 
fine Yankee trick! At Point Lookout the whole of the prisoners 
were in one large enclosure, with a double partition between. This 
enclosure was of thick plank, some twenty feet high and fastened 
to posts. Near the top and outside of this was a narrow parapet 
serving the purpose of a beat for the sentinels, who were fourteen 
in number around the officers* camp, and, I judge, about forty or 
forty-five in number around the privates' camp, as that was several 
times larger than ours. 1 hcse sentinels mounted their beats from 
the outside, were not allowed to speak to the prisoners, and. as their 
positions overlooked the whole camp and the planks were nailed on 
the inside, an escape was impossible. On the west side of the 
camp, next the Potomac, was a gateway for wagons, which was 
always guarded by sentinels; in front of it. and fifty yards distant. 






r '■ ^ 






were four pieces of artillery always kept ready for use. Very near 
this battery was a blockhouse made of logs and covered, used for 
musketn,' and artillery, in which that portion of the regiment and 
guard not on duty always stayed, ready for an outbreak. There 
was another blockhouse on the northwest corner of the privates* 
camp facing Chesapeake Bay, with two pieces of artillery and a 
considerable number of muskets. Besides all this a gunboat always 
remained at anchor in the river, some two hundred yards distant. 
There were two pieces of artillery (rifles) to the northeast of the 
officers' camp, and to the west of the privates' camp was a moat, 
making the point really an island. Beyond this moat was a mounted 
guard, which patrolled the country for twenty miles up to a station 
where a larger guard was kept and intended to intercept all passage 
toward Washington city. The troops on the point intended as 
guards generally consisted of five regiments, though the number was 
reduced for awhile when Grant was calling daily for troops. At 
first the Second and Third New Hampshire, the Fifth Rhode 
Island, the Thirty-second United States Colored, and the Massa- 
chusetts Colored was on duty. These white regiments were first 
relieved by invalid corps, and then the Massachusetts negroes went 
to the front; finally some ten thousand Pennsylvanians took the 
place of the Thirty-second negro troops, when they made their dis- 
graceful and inhuman raid into Westmoreland and the Northern 
Neck. I happened to be near the fence when these raiders re- 
turned with their booty, which was afterward exhibited by them, 
clearly evincing that they had been neither respecters of property 
nor person. A communication in the Richmond papers which I 
afterward saw revealed the fact that the crime of raF>e was fre- 
quently committed by these hellhounds. I saw among their plunder 
money, spoons, plates, jewelry, little negroes, sideboards, horses, 
cows, plows, curtains, wheel-barrows and, indeed, everything which 
could be useful to a farmer and useless to an army. But to return 



30 



-<-!»lC \ 






CaPT. H. ' 



to the guard and prison. Facing the bay was a gateway, which 
was open from sunrise to sunset and enabled the prisoners to bathe 
at pleasure, though the sink erected over the bay. contiguous to our 
bathing spot, rendered the bathing sometimes not very pleasant. 
After the gates were closed several troughs were brought in and 
used as sinks. This bathing was the great enjoyment of the officers 
and men, and I have sometimes counted over two hundred in the 
water at one time. A sentinel, who stood between the sink and the 
men and officers on the beach, allowed no communication of any 
kmd. 

When first guarded by the negro every officer felt that he was 
degraded and insulted by the almost constant contact with an in- 
ferior type of the genus man, but we had to come down to it, and 
after awhile I began to feel that the negro and Yankee was that 
between tweedledum and tweedledee. The character of white 
soldier selected for guard duty was generally of the lowest kind. 
The exception was the invalid corps, one hundred-day militia de- 
serters who have never been to the front. All others were either 
impressed with the idea that the "Rebel" was an inferior being, or 
else, fearing him and knowing that they were unworthy to meet him 
on a field of strife, ihey meanly sought in these prison hells to wreck 
their vengeance, or, as the case might be, to tread upon him be- 
cause he was nothing but a "Rebel." The negro, on the other 
hand, was confessedly a machine. As a soldier he was more a 
slave than at the South. He was. day after day, driven, double 
quicked, put under guard, struck with a sword, abused and cursed 
till he caught a soldier's step and learned involuntarily to go through 
the evolutions. Put him on guard then and he would nod, though 
his officer might shoot at him for the act; in everything else he would 
try to do his duty, nothing more. The drilling he had undergone 
to make him a soldier so unnerved him that he would not willingly 
shoot any white man. and, beside. I think Cuffee had some linger- 






-./■■■" 



rf / , . . . : :t '■•;•% 



ing respect and reverence for the men of the South, who were 
masters without driving him. I scrupulously avoided speaking to 
negrosoldiers of giving them cause to speak tome, and the few who 

' ever spoke did it with a manner very deferential. Since the odium 

and sin of making soldiers out of these poor creatures lies at the 
doors of the Yankee, I must say, barring the smell of a hot day 
when too close to him, that I prefer a negro guard to a white 
Yankee. 

j The greatest care was taken at Point Lookout to prevent es- 

cape, and I must say they succeeded very well, owing to the posi- 
tion of the place. The sentinels did not, or could not, or would 
not. learn to walk regularly on their beats, never walking with their 

I backs to each other as did the negroes at Morris Island, and the 

I want of this precaution enabled us to scale the walls at night with 

impunity, by means of rope ladders. The great active reflection of 
a prisoner is escape. He will dream all day of home or revenge, 

I or it may be of peace, but let a chance present itself, however slim, 

and he is no longer a dreamer, but all action and ready to endure 
fatigue and labor and want of sleep, which performed at home 
would kill him. 

A friend of mine. Lieutenant Bruce of the Fifth Florida, 
scaled the wall in the month of February and for four hours that 
night waded in water up to his neck, passed the upper battery and 
blockhouse, but unfortunately came out within a few feet of a cav- 
alry picket, who caught him, look him back and put him in irons. 
Nothing daunted by this failure he scaled the walls in July, took a 
longer wade and went to Dixie, from which place he managed to 
let us know that he was safe. This escape caused the search of all 
our troops for ladders, ropes, etc., and the provost, after swearing 
like a fool, took away every trunk, valise, table, box. etc.. which 
we had. 

Many escapes were always being attempted, and they not in- 



ILL. ..Li^- 



jj^^itUmL 






H'ar.lime Photos of Captain Dickin on 






frequenlly succeeded. One evening, before the outer gate was 
locked, I noticed several sitting on some piles near the beach and, 
walking up, I found them burying a companion, who, after dark, 
resurrected himself, and waded up the beach beyond the fort and 
pickets. Ever after this, when the gate was being locked, the offi- 
cer of the guard thrust his sword into every little hillock on the 
beach. Another officer crawled through the hole of the sink, swung 
to a pile and thus hung over the sea till night, when he, too, waded 
off. Once, whilst bathing, several amused themselves by swim- 
ming races when the tide was right and one of them boldly struck 
off for Accomac. The last we saw of him he seemed a mere speck 
as he was lifted upon the waves. Whether he was eaten by a 
shark, drowned, or escaped we never heard, but as it was some six 
miles to the nearest land which he could touch it was a great ven- 
ture. One friend. Captain Coulter of Arkansas, seeing a party of 
carpenters who had been building something going out under guard 
boldly seized one of their implements and walked out, too. As he 
wore citizen's clothes nothing but a count detected him. Almost 
all the employers were from Maryland and would help a "Reb" if 
they could. 

If dispKJsed to I could fill this entire volume with escapes and 
efforts to escape. Ihese escapes always induced greater vigilance 
on the part of the guard, so that day by day we saw some one of 
our rights as freemen taken from us. Our letters were examined 
with the greatest care, every box sent to us was opened and thor- 
oughly inspected to detect contraband articles, etc. We were pro- 
hibited from speaking to or communicating in any way with the de- 
tails from the privates' camp; we were not allowed to go to the 
fence during the day ; except at the gate and at night, no man could 
leave his tent except to go to the sink. These and a thousand other 
restrictions made our existence, we thought, almost intolerable, but 
since then I have borne privations which made me feel that, in com- 






pnnson. Point Lookout \s a> [ leaven. One tact in reference to the 
privates at Point Lookout. I must notice. Privates of culture and 
respectability were found daily seeking details to police our camp, 
and these privates I noticed carefully gathered up and put into their 
haversacks every piece of bread and meat which we had cast aside. 
It finally became a well-understood fact that anything we could not 
eat would be thankfully received by these F>oor privates. \X'ith this 
in mind my mess saved all he could, and each day called in one of 
the detail who. whilst sweeping our tent, received the food, together 
with any contraband letters intended for our friends in the privates' 
camp. These fellows all represented to us that the daily ration 
issued to the privates was insufficient to supfwrt life, that they were 
always hungr>' and that so many were sick that none but the very 
sick received the benefit of hospital care. Many, it is true, received 
money from their friends, while some made rings and trinkets of 
gutta-percha and thus lived well. The demand for these trinkets 
was limited, however, and the great majority of all prisoners were 
without Northern friends: hence, the sufferings of the poor privates. 
These sufferings and the bad water made many of the poor fellows 
desperate, for death stared them in the face daily. In this mood, 
they were approached by recruiting agents of the Federal Govern- 
ment, and many. ver>' many, it is said, either enlisted in the army or 
took the oath of allegiance. In either case they were greatly to 
blame, but let those only throw a stone at the jx>or starved fellows 
who themselves can show that they. too. have faithfully endured the 
fvangs of starvation added to the daily fear of death. Be it said to 
the credit of the privates, that no man ever took the oath without re- 
ceiving a petting and blessing from his companions, until the authori- 
ties learned how to remove them before the party concerned was 
susp>ected. 

Almost every regiment, battalion and legion I ever heard of 
was repre5enled among the officers at Point Lookout, some of them 



TT 



Zl 



having been captured as far back as the First Maryland campaign. 
\^e had also a number among us who were privates representing 
themselves as officers, whilst others, insisting that they were privates, 
were held as officers whether or no. We had no officer of higher 
rank than colonel, and the great majority were lieutenants. 

After a time, the dress and manner of the officers became 
loose and careless. As many had no means with which to replenish 
wardrobes we did not, in this respect, compare favorably with the 
always neat and tidy Yankee officer. Some of our officers were 
men of mental culture and refined manners, who would have done 
themselves honor in any station. Many were men of mediocrity, 
unable to lead, whilst some were p>ositively very ignorant and others. 
I fear, worse than ignorant. A number of thefts of money and 
checks and other prop>erty were perpetrated by officers, and my own 
ver>' personal knowledge, as far as it goes, confirms the statement 
of old prisoners, that no general plan to escape from prison ever 
succeeded because some our number proved traitors. Once, as I 
have learned, at Johnson's Island, an organization was perfected 
under General Trimble, by which 2,500 officers expected to escapye 
to Canada. The guard was then only three hundred strong, and a 
boat lay at the wharf which could have transported them, but a 
scoundrel revealed the plot, and a brigade afterwards guarded the 
prisoners. 

One of the most noticeable traits in many of our prisoners was 
toadyism to any Yankee who for a moment stopp>ed within the 
prison. Instead of making him feel that he was an inferior being. 
he was immediately surrounded and asked for news, favors, etc.. 
and I never saw even a Yankee sergeant come in who was not 
pulled by the sleeve till he went out. This made them feel their 
importance, and must have given them a poor opinion of us. 

On the eighteenth day of June. 1864. it was ascertained that 
we were all shortly to be moved, supposedly to Fort Delaware, in a 




few dnys. At once I called together a few friends whom I could 
trust and stated the plan of an organization which I had drawn up. 
having for its object the capture of the boat which was to take us 
to Fort Delaware. All feared exposure, and finally, as there were 
thirteen divisions or detachments, we determmed to bring into the 
organization as plotters only thirteen men, who were to elect a chief 
and assistant chief, and each one of the thirteen was to enlist if he 
could about twelve good men from his own division, pledged to aid 
him at any time if he should desire to escape from prison, but who 
were to know absolutely nothmg else. Thus we were to conceal 
the name of the chief and his thirteen subordinates, the manner of 
action and the time of action from any who might play traitor. We 
elected Colonel Woolfolk, of Paducah, Ky., our chief, and Lieu- 
tenant De Gonnery, of Louisiana, assistant, and these two planned 
our intended operations, as we thought, with the utmost secrecy. 
We who were of the thirteen did not even know all of the plan, but 
I knew that a special guard was detailed to seize the pilot and 
wheel, and another to take the engine, that five companies, of which 
mine was one. were to seize the guard on duty, whilst eight com- 
panies charged the guard off duty. One engineer, one pilot, all 
hands were nominated for their special duty. The signal of warn- 
ing was, "These are hard times," when each captain was to get his 
squad well in hand; then at the word "Liberty" the work was to 
be done. 

On the morning of the twenty-first of July, preparations com- 
menced to move us. and about 4 o'clock p. m. we marched out, be- 
tween two hundred soldiers, besides sergeants, lieutenants, etc. All 
this looked suspicious, but when we were marched to the wharf, we 
found a gunboat with steam up, and. looking around, we missed our 
engineer, who at the last moment had been left behind. This 
looked still more suspicious, and then all hands of us, nearly six 
hundred officers, were rulhlcsslv thrust between decks. There were 



////// ■ ^- / >^^/ /* 7 ' . %,fltf \ VA \^f5Si\\ \ WW ■. 



i^_vii.Y"w. '~^^ .i...:.^.--^wv^^^'"^iJ^_.^\ii.yi\iAi. .jTm 



but two hatches, and the lower deck and hole had been recently 
painted. 1 he boat was about nine hundred tons burthen, with two 
ports forward, none aft. and the thermometer in the shade was 
nearly 100. The guards were all placed on the upper deck and a 
strong detail with arms was always around the hatches. That our 
guards were apprised of our intended escape was now as certain as 
when they afterwards informed us that they knew all our plans, 
but. notwithstanding all this guard, when we moved off we found 
another gunboat preceding us. whilst the one before spoken of fol- 
lowed in our wake. 

Escape was hopelessly impossible; we saw it. and submitted 
to our fate. In a few minutes the heat of our bodies generated a 
terrible atmosphere; men began to cry for water, water, air, air. 
We wrung the perspiration from our clothes, only to find it dripping 
off again in a few minutes. Some among so many suffering with 
diarrhoea asked to go to the water closet, but two only could go at 
once, and hence many relieved themselves in the hole of the vessel. 
Sleep was impossible, for the vessel did not contain room to lie 
down. 

I hus we spent the slow hours from the evening of the twenty- 
first till mid-day of the twenty-fifth of July, when we disembarked 
at Fort Delaware. About fifty of us in all managed on the second 
day to get permission to stay on the top of the pilot house, but all 
of us, except Major Branch and one or two others, were either 
wounded or suffering with dysentery. My deliberate opinion is that 
no greater cruelty was ever practiced by any slaver. I shall never 
forget the horrors of the one night spent between those decks. Most 
fortunately the Atlantic was as smooth as glass during the trip. If 
it had been even rough many of us must have died. 

FORT DELAWARE 

I his fort is situated at the junction of the Brandywine with 
Delaware River opposite Delaware City, and is built upon Pea 

37 



fTT^Z- 



^^S^h- 



-i^ 




Island, which contains about sixty acres and was formed, as I 
learn, by the sinking of a Dutch ship loaded with peas. To us 
who had seen neither grass or trees, the beautiful fields all the way 
up the bay were most refreshing. 

The island was evidently much smaller when the fort was 
built on its eastern or New Jersey edge, as there is considerable 
ground to the north and west of it. A levee is constructed around 
the whole island, but the spring tides sometimes carry the water 
over the walls. The officers' gardens, I noticed, were in a high 
state of cultivation; indeed, they ought to be. being of alluvial soil, 
and irrigated by the ditches which convey the water into the moat 
around the fort. The fort walls were of granite or brown stone, 
quadrangular, and built for three tiers of guns. I expect if neces- 
sary two hundred guns could be mounted. I counted once about 
seventy in the western wall, besides twelve large guns on the para- 
pet. The officers' quarters, etc.. were within the fort and made of 
brick. A bridge with a draw led to the fort on the west side. 
When we landed after much delay, we were marched on a lawn 
near the hospitals, where we were counted, rolls were called and a 
full search was made. I hid my money and valuables in the grass 
till the search was over. 

Having seen in a paper that the prisoners at the Old Capitol 
were to be removed to Fort Delaware, I expected Quincy was not 
only there, but looked for him every minute to come out and speak 
to me. Finding he did not, I made some excuse to walk about, 
hoping to attract his attention. I afterward learned that a prisoner 
dare not look out of his window m sight of a sentinel. 

We were presently marched toward the door of the prison, 
and, whilst standing there. I asked a sergeant if I could not be per- 
mitted to go into the priva.es' prison and see my brother. He re- 
plied not then, but if I would apply to the provost marshal he 
would allow mc. Little did I think then that the cruel orders in 






force on the island had prevented brothers who had stayed in dif- 
ferent prisons, separated by a fence and ditch for more than a year, 
from seeing each other. Sometimes I wrote to my brother through 
the regular channels and received one Httle note in reply; I made 
nine formal and informal applications to see him, which were either 
refused or treated with silent contempt. I applied to the provost 
marshal. Captain Winnie, to Lieutenant Wolf, in command of 
the officers' prison, to Capt. G. W. Ahl, the O. adjutant general, 
and to Brig. Gen. A. Schoff, commanding the fort, and each case 
represented that we had been captured at different times, that he 
was in delicate health, and that I desired only a few minutes* con- 
versation — but it was all in vain. Finally, however, two days be- 
fore I left the fort, I was unexpectedly summoned to the fort in 
reference to a fifty-dollar note out of which the sutler had swin- 
dled me. and whilst there I said to General Schoff, "Sir, I have 
repeatedly asked for an interview with my brother in the privates* 
prison. I expect as you know to leave in a short time, and may 
get home before he does. Shall I then say we stayed within a few 
feet of each other all summer, but I never saw him?" General 
Schoipf turned to the orderly and said, "Tell Lieutenant Wolf to 
let him see his brother," and I did have an hour's interview with 
him of the most unreserved character, as the guard fortunately went 
to sleep. 

I believe Wolf would have refused this if he dared, as, after 
writing to all the "subs," I wrote a sealed letter, marked "Private," 
to General Schoipf, in which I intimated that his subordinates had 
suppressed communications. This letter was returned to Wolf for 
information, who tried to call me to account for the charge of sup- 
pression and for calling him a subordinate. I asked him if he did 
not examine all the letters? "Yes." he said. "Then." said I, 
"you have suppressed letters which I can prove were put in the 
box addressed to my brother." He left me after this plain talk 



and I understood that I was not to expect either courtesy or justice 
at his hands. We were all unceremoniously thrust into the pen. 
and told to get quarters where we could. As we found about 
eight hundred already tenanted, and many not disposed to yield 
any portion of their room to interlopers, it was no easy matter for 
us to find quarters. My mess, however, found bunks on the ground 
tier at last, the possession of which nobody disputed, but the dirt 
from the two tiers above always kept us filthy, and besides we occa- 
sionally would catch a greyback. which admonished us that our 
neighbors wouldn't do. and so in a few days we moved baggage 
from Division 30 to Division 32. 

My first wish after getting into my quarters was to take a 
wash. and. seeing a great hogshead at No. 32. I procured a pan 
and helped myself, but was told. "That hogshead is for drinking; 
you must wash in the ditch." This ditch was of salt water, con- 
necting with the main ditch at the officers' sinks, as well as the sinks 
of the "whitewashed" camp and the guardhouses, and the recepta- 
cle of all the loose filth on the island. The water was supposed to 
be renewed in it by the ebb and flow of the tides, but the numerous 
"water gaps" made to prevent our escape caught all the scum and 
filth at the ebb. which was drawn back by the flow, so that the 
ditch was only cleaned when "Fox." a hideous, hang-dog looking 
Irishman (who was a deserter from the Stonewall brigade), 
scraped out the "settlings" and mud with a hoe. Often, whilst I 
have been washing my face and hands, have I seen three or four, 
naked, washing their bodies, others washing their feet, others wash- 
ing their greasy dishes, others washing their handkerchiefs or socks, 
and others again cleaning catfish and throwing the intestines in the 
water. All this was done in the same stagnant ditch within a few 
feel of each other. The clothes were washed in the main ditch, 
within a few feet of the sink, which was so filthy that the clothes 
never could look clean, but our "washwomen, " by ironing, im- 



^^^■^nwTT 




^t#^l^^5^^^'"'""^'"- " " -'ii*^^ 



proved the general appearance very much. These "washwomen" 
were brother officers who. Being out of funcJs, did this work as a 
supF>ort. and the great number produced such competition that 
washing a garment only cost five cents and ironing five cents. 

The "eating house" was a very large establishment, accom- 
modating at one time one-half the officers, or about seven hundred, 
who were marched in by divisions, with the chief at the head. All 
stood and ate their grub, or else carried it out to their quarters. 
This house was under the control of a lynx-eyed Yankee sergeant, 
assisted by some fifteen detailed privates from the "Reb" camp, 
who were so completely under his dominion that I actually thought 
till a few days before I left that all hands were Yankees. Dis- 
covering my mistake, I forwarded to my friends in the privates' 
camp many long epistles, which were faithfully delivered. 

Our meals were ordered at 8 a. m. and 2 p. m., but were 
furnished at 10:30 a. m. and 3 p. m. Breakfast consisted of a cup 
of water, about four ounces of light bread, and say five ounces of 
F>ork. Several times the pork was omitted. At dinner we were 
given a small amount of bread and meat (fresh beef being fre- 
quently substituted for salt pork), and, in addition, we received a 
pint of bean soup. This soup was generally burned, and always 
made of old beans; altogether, it was the most nefarious stuff I ever 
lasted. We got vinegar twice each week. The fresh beef was fat 
and could have been made good, but it was killed the day previous 
and brought into the pen about 9 a. m. covered with a swarm of 
green flies, and often was so tainted that it could not be eaten. 
Many of the officers, of course, had friends in the North, who sent 
them various articles of food, so that not a few of us never saw the 
table. 

We were allowed to purchase pans, coffee pots, etc., from 
the sutler, wood was sometimes furnished, and. being allowed to 
build fires, just in front and a few feet distant from the sink, mom- 

41 



.4U^ 




ing and evening that sweet spot was a general rendezvous for the 
cooks of each mess, who. amid the smoke and stench, managed to 
fix up some good dishes. 

At first we cooked there, but finding it so hot and crowded I 
bought a coal-oil cooking lamp from the sutler, in which, seated 
on our bunk, we daily made our coffee and fried ham or stewed 
hash. Many men who had no means or friends, finding the meat 
rations insufficient, caught catfish under the sink (dropping the hook 
through the holes), and daily lived on this disgustingly filthy food. 

The sutler was a regularly built New England Weathersfield 
Union Yankee, with an eye always to the main chance, and, as he 
had no competition, sold only those articles which paid him well. 
He had two or three assistants about him who were either full- 
blooded Yankees or deserters, and we looked upon the whole crew 
as so many vultures. My opinion was that they would steal, and 
yet, strangely, I gave them a chance to steal from me, which chance 
they improved. 

Being out of United States money, but expecting some daily, 
I pawned to Robinson, who had an ice cream saloon attached to 
the sutlery store, my fifty-dollar Exchange Bank of Virginia note 
for the sum of five dollars, with the express agreement that I was 
to redeem it when I received a remittance. Robinson left in a 
few days, having been ordered to close up the saloon, and told me 
that he had left the fifty dollars with Emory, the main business 
man, which fact Emory verified. When I received the remittance, 
Emory said that Robinson had called and taken the note to Phila- 
delphia with him. I threatened to expose him to General Schoepf 
for surrendering my property, and finally did do so. Schoepf 
helped me to corner Emory, who stated that Robinson's house had 
burned up and with it all he had, including the fifty dollars. 
Finally he tendered mc five dollars additional, which I declined, 
telling him, in a crowd, that it was "a base swmdle and theft." 



I I '!: ; —T-' ...-if WW \?>5S.\\\\\\ \ 



^ I j^ fcy J. ;^ ^ '-in '• '^-.v _iL' LJ. , 1. T Ti I"" - -"Vr* '- " ~ '';-.;^v. — 'v-^v . ini ,\>: .-e^ _ i/y,'.:."„ / 'i.'. 



Schoepf had the power (as these scoundrels as sutlers were at- 
tached to the United States Army) to compel them by court mar- 
tial to make restitution, but he refused to do it. (Query — Might I 
not take by force this amount from some Yankee, and give him an 
order on these scoundrels, thus making them steal from themselves? 
At any rate if forced to suffer much more I would have thought 
seriously of those questions of morality. Those who have seen and 
felt nothing of Yankee rule must not judge me.) 

This concern of Welch or Robinson Emory — ^"Daw" & Co. 
— though they had a plentiful stock of the usual articles on hand, 
always went up with the rise in gold, in the end selling sugar at 
sixty cents when its wholesale price in New York was twenty-one 
cents, and other articles in the same ratio. The principal articles 
kept and sold were sugar, molasses, ginger and sweet cakes, cheese, 
tea and coffee, etc. For awhile we feasted on cream, and occa- 
sionally could buy melons and canteloupes. I should not omit to 
say that each morning we could buy milk at ten cents per pint, or 
fifteen cents per quart. 

We, or rather a few of the officers, were allowed to bathe 
in the bay once after our arrival. The privilege was not repeated 
because, as I learned, we took advantage of knowledge gained in 
this way to escape. The sleeping apartments, or barracks, occu- 
pied the northeast and one-half the south side of the irregular 
parallelogram, the cookhouse filling up the other half of the south 
side, whilst the west side was a high, close fence on which was a 
parap>ct occupied by three sentinels, who could thus see all over 
our pen. Our barracks were divided into fifteen apartments, 
afterwards increased to sixteen, and each containing about ninety- 
five officers. Each apartment was arranged with three tiers of 
scaffolds, with an aisle running along the centre. All hands thus 
slept in rows, with their feet toward the aisle. There were no 
divisions or partitions between the various messes or men. hence 

48 



^-'!- \ 






one's neighbor could always transfer a portion of his extra "grey- 
backs." Against lice and filth, however, we had some (moral 
suasion) rules which generally worked tolerably. I have seen 
some of my roommates catch and crack bugs by the hour. 

A lamp burned dimly in each division from sunset to sun- 
rise, and to touch it was death. We were required to put out our 
candles at 8 p. m. ; after that no talking was allowed, though the 
strict observance of this rule was not always enforced by the 
sentinel, who walked on his beat just behind each division. The 
water for drinking was, I learned, at one time dipped up near the 
sinks and, besides bemg salty, was generally a little touched with 
scum, but during my stay the water was obtained from the Brandy- 
wine and, though sometimes a little salty, was pure, or would 
have been pure but for the rats, which occasionally were drowned 
in the tank, and the dirt and dust which was washed into the 
tanks from the top of the barracks during rains. 

The mails were received regularly every day, and the num- 
ber of letters was very considerable, though no correspondent 
could write over one page, unless he wrote a Union lecture, to 
which there was, of course, no limit. Each division appointed 
its own postmaster, who each evening, at the signal, assembled at 
a hole in the fence on west side where the letters were called out 
and delivered. If letters called contained money, the envelope, 
endorsed with the amount of money, and the letter were delivered, 
and, upon presentation of the envelope, the money was afterwards 
paid in checks on the sutler, when the sergeant, Randolph, thought 
proper. If the money was in the form of a check, although marked 
good by the bank, it was retained and paid after collection minus 
a charge of ten F>er cent for collection. There was no rule in 
regard to the delivery of money, or rather checks, on the sutler; 
sometimes all of a remittance would be delivered, sometimes ten 
per cent of it, sometimes the sergeant would give to one and refuse 



J3^^^y 



to give to another. I received ten dollars sent me by my father 
from Philadelphia whilst at the fort. I needed money always 
whilst there, and yet had seventy dollars in the sergeant's hands 
when I left, a part of which he had held over one month, and 
thus, by the act of one adjutant in keeping my Yankee money, 
another adjutant was enabled to swindle me out of my Virginia 
money. 

The checks on the sutler were bits of printed parchment, 
only good between us and the sutler, so that we could not buy 
up a sentinel. During a portion of the time a sergeant brought 
in and sold daily a "Philadelphia Enquirer," a Government paper, 
full of new? of Rebel defeats, etc., but during Early's raids we 
were allowed to receive no papers whatever. However, almost 
every day someone managed, by means of a little silver, to buy 
a newspaper from a sentinel, and we were thus kept informed as 
to all the movements of Early and the fights at Washington, 
Baltimore and Philadelphia. During one day the fort was exer- 
cised by a rumor that one of our vessels was in the bay, and I 
observed that all the parapet guns were manned until the excite- 
ment blew over. My father offered to subscribe for me for any 
paper I desired, but was informed it would not be allowed. 

The amount of clothing, food, etc., received by us from 
friends was very considerable. Boxes were generally sent by 
express and received by, or rather issued to, us twice each week. 
I he box was always broken open in presence of the crowd and 
thoroughly examined. All cans of fruit were cut open to find 
whiskey, and so with bottles. The clothing was thoroughly 
searched for money, contraband letters, etc., and if more than 
a bare supply of any article was received it was at once con- 
fiscated. A good hat. or good shirts, or fine pants, generally fell 
to the lion's share, on the plea that they were not needed by the 
owner. If any article of clothing was delivered the owner was 

45 









compelled to shed off his old clothes then and there. In this, not- 
withstanding their argus eyes, they were not always successful, as 
many would put on their new ones and then steal their old ones; 
besides all very old apparel was kept and loaned from friend to 
friend for such occasions. The presiding genius of this place was 
a fat old Dutchman speaking English badly, by rank a brigadier 
general and named A. Schoepf, pronounced Sheff. He was pro- 
moted for killing General Zollicoffer, but I learned he did not like 
to be complimented for this act. So far as administrative ability 
went he was totally unfitted to command. He had neither tact, 
judgment or system. 1 he veriest simpleton in Dixie would have 
reduced the plan of governing the prison to more order and 
simplicity. 

His wife was said to be a strong sympathizer with the South, 
and I have been told by high authority that Schoepf himself 
desired to be kindly disposed toward the prisoners, but feared his 
adjutant general, A. W. Ahl, who was the real head of the 
establishment. Ahl was a New England Abolitionist and had 
a company of artillery made up of deserters. Of course he had 
no friendship for a "Reb," and receiving his appointment from 
Abraham the First, he ruled Schoepf as he chose. This fellow 
Ahl could not write an order correctly or sensibly or, if he could, 
wouldn't do it, lest the "Rebs" should obey it and thus give his 
pet deserters no chance to shoot. I have many reasons to believe 
that Schoepf was not as good as the most partial represent him, 
though it IS possible that the abuses existed because of a want of 
system, added to the influence of Ahl. On one occasion, when 
the ration was exhibited to him in person, he seemed surprised and 
professed his determination to correct it at once. On the next 
day all the knives, forks and plates were removed and for two 
subsequent days we got no meal for breakfast. 

Those who aver that Schoepf was disposed to treat us 

40 



-x*?" / 



^i 



kindly say that Schocpf did order an improvement and hauled 
the commissary over the coals, who, knowing that his act would 
not be discovered, wreaked his spite on us. I am informed on the 
best authority that General Vance once sought a conversation 
with Schocpf and told him that the privates did not receive suf- 
ficient food to sustain life, and asked for a change in their treat- 
ment. Schoepf in a pet said. "I'll change it tomorrow by cutting 
down their rations." Schoepf's right hand man was Lieutenant 
Wolfe, who had been promoted from a sergeant for his fidelity 
and business qualities. This fellow was a shuffling, hurrying, 
business-looking man, but in reality had no idea of business, and 
was besides loo fond of whiskey. The obsequiousness of many 
officers gave Wolfe great consequence and his daily entry into the 
pen was the signal for a rush for favors, news, etc. These poor 
simpletons were dispatched by Wolfe with the air of an emperor. 

^X olfe was the eye and ear of our camp; he examined every 
letter, and consequently his power was supreme. Abuses might 
exist, Wolfe or his tools might perpetrate any cruelty with im- 
punity, for no one knew anything except through him. His interest 
was to have in our presence only those who had no association with 
us, and an order was published prohibiting the sentinels from 
sp>eaking to us. 

1 he daily police was duty performed under the superin- 
tendence of a deserter named, or at least called. Fox. whose 
countenance, more hideous than that of a hyena, told plainly that 
he was fit for treason. I never saw him sp>eak to any man except 
in his Dutch talk to lecture them for wasting water, and no man 
ever did willingly speak to him. He was utterly repulsive to 
humanity. His corps of policemen were watched with a hawk's 
eye and never allowed to enter the barracks or speak to a "Reb." 
The sutler, I observed, was extremely intimate with Wolfe and 
his gang, any of them helping themselves to cigars, etc., whenever 

47 






they chose, which treat was of course pa:d for by us. I have 
stated these facts to show what one in prison must feel, viz., that 
he is immure, utterly isolated from the world, at the mercy of his 
captors and dependent upon his jailors for mercy, a virtue which 
they rarely possess. 

Church privileges were allowed at Fort Delaware, but were 
limited. At Point Lookout an application was refused to the 
church members to congregate, on the ground that they "prayed 
treason," but whilst I was there a good old Methodist captain 
from southwest Virginia was allowed to preach during the day 
and he always prayed for our Government. Poor old man, we 
left him sick with dystentery and he was soon transferred to a 
better sphere. 

At Fort Delaware, Rev. Dr. Handy, of Norfolk, was a 
political prisoner and had daily service in Division 34, assisted by 
several gentlemen. 1 hey were not allowed to convene in large 
numbers out of doors except on one or two occasions, but some- 
times his assistants, men of no ability, preached in other divisions. 
At first I really felt an aversion toward Doctor Handy, on account 
of his long, woman's grey hair, which he tucked up at night, and I 
think must have been lousy, but, aside from this weakness, I found 
he was really a good man and became well acquainted with 
him; he was a considerable poet, and some hard lines on Schoepf 
and the old flag cost him his island parole. He was a true 
Southern man and possessed of more than ordinary intellect; though 
his health was delicate, he had prayer meetings daily and quite 
a number were added to the Church. The occasion of receiving 
the new members into the Church was very solemn and imfxjsing. 
and the sacrament of the Lord's Supper was afterwards adminis- 
tered to a very large number. A small library of religious books 
was kept by Division 34, and loaned to any who desired them. 
I know that many had the same prejudices against Doctor Handy 

48 



"TT^-T . ^■~': ^ , ^Jl\ ". \ .:'>2^~ 



\L 




Su'orJ oj Caplam Dickinson 



on account of his long hair, which I had for a long time; but for 
this, many might perhaps have been called to repentance who are 
still in their sins. Religion, like many things else, should be 
comely to attract. 

At Delaware the occupations of the officers were varied, and, 
as in the world, showed the bent of one's mind. Many, very 
many, did nothing assiduously all day long, in this finding them- 
selves too busy to read, or to do aught else but dream. These 
do-nothings had done nothing before the war, or during the war, 
and probably did nothing after the war. A goodly number 
became jewelry-makers, the material in every case being gutta- 
p>ercha. Many made rough, uncouth articles, which they never 
could improve; others, having "form" highly developed, fashioned 
many little articles elegantly and thereby supported themselves 
handsomely. The Yankees had a mania for seal rings, breast- 
pins, etc., and gave good prices. Whilst I am writing I now see 
a "Reb" bargaining with a \ ankee negro for a rough ring which 
cost him five cents, and which he will sell for, say four dollars. 
The rings were made of common gutta-percha buttons, boiled to 
bring out the shape. The watch seals and chains were made of 
lubes of gutta-percha, the sets were brass, silver and gold tin-foil, 
copper, or more generally the shell of the mussel found at Mussel 
Shoals, in Tennessee River. Any shell, however, polishes easily, 
and looks like the finest pearl. The stock in trade of a ring- 
maker was a common knife, a rat-tail and a few other small files, 
a small hammer, some awls made of needles, a piece of sandpajDer, 
and a piece of leather greased and rubbed in the shell dust or 
emery. We had one cobbler and one tailor in the pen, each of 
whom was kept busy in his line, generally mending and patching. 

A number of men prosecuted the beer trade most vigorously 
and made large profits, having their stands at various cool spots 
in the pen, and depending more on their good seats than the 

40 




-'•-<..<..-', 



excellency of ihe article. The stuff was made of corn, or corn 
meal, molasses or sugar, and water, sometimes with a little ginger 
added, and, owing to the want of vegetable food, became a fash- 
ionable drink, though at first I thought it was villainous stuff; it 
was sold at five cents a pint. One-half bushel of corn meal at one 
dollar and one gallon of molasses at one dollar and fifty cents 
made thirty-two gallons, which would net ten dollars, and this 
could be done each day at four or five stands. At each stand the 
owner kept ginger or lemon cakes, which he sold at what he gave 
the sutler, and we generally bought five cents' worth. One lem- 
onade stand was also kept, and for a while we had ice when it 
was good. 

We had several barbers and hair-dressers. one of whom. 
Captain Meadows of Morgan's command, had a nice saloon, 
which was covered with blankets; having good razors, sharp 
scissors, a shampooing concern, and withal being dexterous in 
the use of his weapons, it was really a luxury to visit him. 

The washerman and ironers of the prison were, however, the 
most numerous as a class; they worked harder than any others 
and were worst paid. All their work was done in dirty water 
within ten feet of the sink, from which issued a terrible stench. 
The gambling saloons were a curious feature in prison, and were 
not only numerous but well patronized. Captam Coffoc, of Mis- 
sissippi, was the prince of faro dealers, being always gentlemanly 
in his manners and always attracting the greatest crowd. He 
never played cards until he was captured, except for amusement, 
and I am told that a Yankee guard was his first victim. The 
bettor wagered either in Confederate or Yankee money. He 
always had a large and anxious looking crowd around his booth. 
Some quartermasters having been captured, the amount of Con- 
federate money in prison was very large, and changed hands 
frequently. I heard that Coffee once sent to Dixie from Point 



Lookout ten thousand dollars. How much United States money 
he (Coffee) made I cannot say, though at one time, when the 
Yanks were about searching quarters and persons, he hid in the 
grass one hundred and eleven dollars in gold, a gold watch, and 
several hundred dollars in notes, which, of course, some Yank, 
who knew he was flush, had seen him hide and took care to not 
let him find it again. Many men in prison wrote letters for 
money of the most importune character, and when the money was 
received it was at once deposited in this bank. Some sent for 
clothing which they sold or raffled off. that they might invest with 
Coffee. There were other less conspicuous faro tables, which had. 
however, a good run of custom. 

When we were being marched out of the fort to come to 
Hilton Head, the faro table within fifty feet of our line of march 
lost none of its interest. The habitues of that table could not 
take tmie to turn to us, their companions in sorrow of many 
months, and say, "Haveta." In one of the barracks I think 
twenty-four or twenty-five short cards, vantoon poker, etc., were 
played with great gusto, and a good deal of money was lost and 
won. But of all games that were played, "keno" was the most 
all-absorbing. A few officers lived, moved and had their being 
around the keno table, and were never content with one card but 
insisted upon betting on two. The game is one of mere chance, 
the dealer receiving one dollar for calling out the numbers, and 
therefore he makes a good thing of it. Each bettor takes a large 
card with twenty-four figures in six rows. I believe, running from 
one to sixty. Of course there are many combinations to be made 
of sixty figures, and when all are ready the dealer puts the figures 
in a bag, shakes them up, then takes one out at a time, and as he 
calls it each man looks to his card, and if the figure called is on 
his card he puts a button or copper on it. Whoever gets one 
row of SIX first coppered cries out, "keno," and wins the money. 



V 



LL 



~«^, 



The peculiar and yet monotonous tones of the dealer could be 
heard at all hours of the day. interrupted with the sharp, sudden 
exclamation. "Kleno." of the lucky man. The dealer has too 
much respect for rhj'thm to call a short and then a long word. 
For instance, he would call out 47. 28. 19. 58. but any figure 
under thirteen was called "figure 1. 7. 8. 12." etc.. whilst any 
multiple of ten was called v^^th the word "flat" added, for in- 
stance, "40 flat" 

Many of the officers who never patronized the gaimbling 
siiloons played whist or old sledge, or chess or backgammon, in 
their quarters for amusement. A few gentlemen were chess players 
of the first order, and one in particular played a good blindfold 
game. Lieutenant Fni'. son of Judge Fry of ^X'heeling. was the 
best player I ever saw. Like Murphy, he made some six moves 
according to the rules generally laid down : he then studied the 
position, conceived his plan of attack, and rarely checked till he 
was ready to mate. Though I practiced considerably then, and 
others said I played a fair game, in pla>-ing with Fr>- I always 
found myself, aft^r ten or twelve moves, on the defensive, and 
at each struggle gettmg more completely hemmed. He looked 
farther than any man I ever saw, and, though his move at the 
time did not appear brilliant, its purpose was seen when too late. 

Lieutenant C. R. Darricott, of Richmond, was the best 
whist player I ever saw. He and I played often as partners and 
after we learned each other were almost in^•incible. He played 
trumps strong, led from an ace. and. if possible, looked to the last 
of the game to make his tncks. He convinced me that Poe spwke 
truly when he said whist was the great game. I should not omit 
to mention that occasionally a garT>c of base was played, and 
aJmost even- day a few played marbles or knucks. and in vers- 
hot weather AX'olfe amused the crowd by attaching the hose and 



-r-rzz V* : — zzr~~ ■^:>cv 



'TT 



Mi 



watering the housetops and yard, and. of course, drenching all 
who were disposed to join in the sport. 

The medical department within the barracks was under the 
control of a doctor who was known to some of the officers as 
a carpenter in north Mississippi at the inception of the war; there- 
fore his skill was more than questionable. He prescribed and 
administered medicine through a hole in the wall, having a few 
of the most common remedies for diseases of prisoners. He was 
obstinate and would allow no suggestions. For neuralgia he gave 
rhubarb to ^ rn. Carder. Fourth Virginia Infantry, and he gave 
many other like prescriptions which proved his utter incompetency. 
He came to the hole m the wall once each day. If a man were 
seized with cramp-colic or stricture, or stone in the bladder (as 
my messmate once was), he must suffer and bear it till the 
doctor's hour. But for some opium I found, my messmate would 
have died. The sick were never moved from the barracks until 
the ravages of disease necessitated the use of a litter. They were 
then taken to a hospital on the island, which was clean and well 
kept, but convalescence drove the patient back to the barracks to 
get food. 

There were a number of cases of smallpox m the pen, and 
three of them occurred in my division. One case broke out within 
eight feet of my bunk, and as I had stood near the man and 
talked with him during the day, after the disease was known, 
supposing that I would necessarily be infected, I aided in taking 
the patient out : yet I did not take the disease, nor had anyone 
else taken it when I left the fort. 

ESCAPES, ETC. 

^^^^en we reached the fort it was not usual to call any roll, 
it being supposed that no man could evade the vigilance of the 
guard, or, if he could do that, swim the stream. The confluence 

53 



.j^iStl 



-^ A r 

( A f r n 



of the Brandywine, nearly opposite, produced a counter-current 
when the tide was coming in which greatly added to the danger 
and labor of a swim. Sharks were invited to that neighborhood 
by the sinks, boxes, vessels, etc.. and doubtless made food of 
several of our number. 

On the evening of our arrival the moon and tide being right, 
many of us examined the privy and saw that a hole could be cut 
through. That very night no less than seventeen were said to 
have made their escape. None of them ever returned, and though 
some perhaps were drowned, others undoubtedly got to Dixie. 
This exodus was kept secret, but the Yanks found the hole and 
soon made the place so strong that they thought no one could get 
through. In a few days, however, the new wooden bars were 
sawed through and three officers escaped, one of whom they say 
drowned. Then the Yanks put in large sills so near to each other 
that no one could get through, and erected a platform behind the 
sink on which a sentinel was placed, whilst another sentinel stood 
on the top of the sink revolving a large railroad reflector, which 
rendered it as light almost as day for one hundred yards around. 

Notwithstanding all this, one month after, when the tide was 
right (for the tide must be up whilst the early part of the night 
was dark), fully half a dozen got under the privy at a new hole, 
and had cut nearly through the outer bar when a shot, fired at 
a private who was attempting to escape, produced such vigilance 
that escape was impossible. All this labor was necessarily per- 
formed with every part of their bodies in absolute contact with the 
contents of the privy. What will a prisoner not do for liberty > 

The Yankee officers at one time were in the habit of walking 
through our quarters for curiosity. Taking advantage of this, on 
the Fourth of July, one of Morgan's officers dressed up as a 
Yankee officer and walked boldly out by the sentinel, who sup- 
posed he had come in at the large gate, near the sutler's. Being 

64 



;;ri5^"^. 'avaT 



-i.^-.-^i^ .3^, jM^vi. ,^.^;m;;u;::i 



out, he at once proceeded to reconnoiter the island. Finding that 
a steamboat had brought a large party down from Philadelphia 
on a picnic excursion, which would leave that evening, he returned, 
dressed up two of his friends, got Captain Morgan to forge papers 
in Schoepf's name to go on the boat, and all three marched out, 
but, unfortunately, too late to take the boat. Two of them then 
hid about the woodpile, while the third took rooms at the hotel. 
The two were soon found and when the third was invited that 
night to a wine supper and declined, he was suspected, examined, 
detected and his pass found. 

1 his of course produced a great sensation ; Schoepf ordered 
him to tell who gave him the pass, but he refused. He then 
threatened to tie him up by the thumbs, but the officer told him 
death would not cause him to reveal the secret. The willing 
tool started to perform the operation, but Schoepf suspended 
execution and put him in the dungeon awhile at the fort. On the 
next day he was brought out and ordered to tell, but he refused so 
flatly that Schoepf released him and said, "Sir, I honor you for 
your fidelity to your friends." This trick of course stopped the 
visits of all ^ anks except the officer of the day and certain well- 
known sergeants. 

One evening, as I was returning from the sink, I saw two 
officers walking near the privates' sutlery shop and just as the 
hght revolved towards the bay, as quick as thought, one seized 
(he other's foot and just as quickly helped him to spring into the 
"whitewashed " camp, from which, as the restrictions were very 
slight among those "half-Yankees," he no doubt escaped. Upon 
examination of the ditch which passed under the Thirtieth division 
and within a few inches of the floor, it was ascertained that by 
a tight squeeze a man might crawl through, and by passing under 
the sentinel's beat get into the main ditch, which, it was supposed, 
led into the bay near the fort on the New Jersey side. Canteens 






. M . 1 



3 



were pro^^c^ec^. and at night four officers. Captain Parkins, Cap- 
tain Patton and tvvo others safely passed through the ditch, but 
finding sentinels in the direction of the fort they crawled out. hid 
under the baker's shop, near Divnsion 3 1 . and there stayed all 
day. We suppxssed. as we heard nothing of them during the day, 
that they had escaped, and the next night five others prepared to 
go out the same hole : the sentinel, unfortunately, heard the second 
man who got under his beat and called the corporal, telling him. 
"Tliere's either a *Reb' or a damned big rat under there." 
Search was made, ineffectually at first, but someone rammed a 
stick under and felt one man and made him come out, and then, 
searching more closely, found another hid near him. The two 
who were still under the house crept back, whilst the one who had 
passed the sentinel pushed forward. The guard threatened to kill 
these men. and one actually leveled his gun to fire, but another, 
more humane, prevented him from executing his purpose. At this 
time, those who had been hid all day under the bakery had 
reached the east side of the fort, and part of them had gotten into 
the bay. and were floating about waiting for all to get in ; one 
unlucky fellow had got m the water but floundered and was dis- 
covered by the sentinel stamding near, who alarmed the whole 
island by his cries of, "Corporal of the guard, double quick." 
Those already m the bay immediately swam off, whilst the one 
discovered and tvso others, includmg one who had gotten out of 
the pen that night, were overhauled. One of the three who 
escapjed, Burley Master, of the Navy, escaped to New York, and 
the other tv>o went to Dixie, and all wrote to advise us of their 
safety. The officers overhauled were all confined m the fort sev- 
eral days and were ordered to work in the police cart, but all had 
the manliness to resist the order, and Schoepf knew it wouldn't 
do to push the question. I should have stated that canteens 
tightly corked, or gallon tin cans, were the life-preservers invariably 

56 




.^\^ \^>5Sl; 



used, and the Yanks soon found it necessan' to search for can- 
teens, etc. 

These searches were made almost weekly, and during the 
search we were marched down near the prhy. Canteens were 
sometimes found, but oftener they found good clothes or other 
valuables, which they appropriated. To the last we had many 
canteens, as each officer who had one. when the search was about 
to begin, would take it out with him, get a crowd around him. 
completely concealing him from his enemies, and either sink it in 
the ditch or bury it for the time being under the walk. Occa- 
sionally some of us would beg a bullet from a soldier and with 
a soldering-iron soon convert an empt>- fruit can into a life-pre- 
server. L p to the hour of our departure escapes were being 
planned daily. I had a hole through which I could crawl, and 
any dark night could have passed the sentinel. 

I could not swim well and feared to undertake the bay. 
even with a life-preserver such as we had, they requiring constant 
labor to keep one afloat. I had one sentinel bought up. and for 
weeks he was tr>"ing to arrange to get me a boat, but the one 
hundred day men guarded the boats and were incomjp>tible. A 
corporal and seven men constantly guarded these boats. On the 
first of September these one hundred day Ohio men were to be 
relieved, as was supposed, by the invalid corps, whom I thought 
I could manage. My offer was twenty- dollars cash, and a draft 
on a friend for three hundred dollars i>ayable in three months, 
pro>nded I escaped. I should have gone to New ^'ork, and once 
there intended to speculate, if possible, in a blockade runner for 
one trip. I was armed with proper letters and have reason to 
believe that I could have run my face for a good cargo. So 
strong was my conviction that I could in this way escape, that 
I thought seriously of gi>"ing some friend my chance for Hilton 
Head. But all so fully believed the Hilton Head men would 

57 



be exchanged that I thought I would not throw away a certainty 
without adventure for an uncertainty. All the escapes, and at- 
tempted escapes, rendered the Yanks doubly vigilant. The 
number of sentinels was increased, and at night they were obliged, 
when signaled from the guardhouse, to repeat from one to the 

other. "Post No. , all vigilant." This was repeated in a 

loud bawl, with a long intonation on the last syllable, and to us 
was most ludicrous. This was better to Schoepf's Dutch ear than 
"All is well." Each attempt of escape only brought another 
reflector to bear upon us, till the Yanks actually shed a flood of 
light upon the pen. These reflectors were fastened upon platforms 
high above the roof of the barracks and could be revolved at 
pleasure. The sentinels sometimes took delight in suddenly throw- 
ing rays of the strong light into our windows, which of course 
annoyed any man who was trymg to sleep. 

Roll calls were had daily, but it was a long time before 
the "subs" could get the rolls right, or prevent us from deceiving 
them as to the real number. The sentinels seemed to have no 
stated period in which to execute orders and frequently, in giving 
their own orders, used language the most disrespectful. We had 
no written or published orders when I arrived at Fort Delaware, 
and we could only arrive at the wishes of our captors through 
those who had been there before. For some time the first intima- 
tion that we had violated an order was contained in a cocked 
musket. One evening about sunset, when it had been very hot. 
we heard a sentinel call out, "Go to your quarters, you devils you." 
Of course we went, but the next night promenaded until pitch 
dark. If a sentinel had no knife and saw one of us with a good 
one. he very coolly presented musket and ordered us to deliver it 
up. This was done repeatedly. On one occasion a sentinel over- 
heard Capt. B. Lewis reading a paper and commenting on a 
Confederate victory. He presented bayonet and ordered him to 



59 



^r'-./'-r . - . . — r. — '-,'. .L-..^i:«f^jL^-'-A\..vv i...>, i.w.uv :i^ ,v,.,.v:ri: 



mark time, which Captain Lewis refused to do. He then threw 
the bayonet at him, and the captain seized it, but the sentinel 
stepped back and kept Lewis marking time. In this though, 
Wolfe, who was well disp>osed toward Lewis, punished the sen- 
tinel. I might give many details such as this to show the animus 
of the sentinel and that each one's will was "orders" to us. This 
state of affairs we felt was full of danger, but knew not how to 
avoid it. Most men were cautious, but as we were ignorant of 
the law we knew not how to be cautious, and, as I expected, it 
finally led to 

MURDER 

On the morning of the seventh of July, 1 864, a sentinel 
named Douglas, a one hundred day man of Stevensville. Ohio, 
was posted as sentinel by the reflector on the sink. Whilst the 
men were cooking their breakfast he began to bully and annoy 
them, cursing several, taking a knife from one, making another 
mark time. etc. Beginning in this way. we were of course careful 
to give him no cause of complaint, but at night, when the sink 
was usually crowded, he commenced ordering men as they left 
the sink to "double quick." 

Colonel E. P. Jones, who was a resident of Middlesex 
County, Virginia, a physician of large practice, colonel of the 
militia, and who had always been active in repelling raids, was 
captured and a prisoner in Division 32 with me. He was quite 
a sufferer with acute rheumatism or some kindred disease, could 
not wear a shoe on one foot, was very lame, and during the 
seventh of July was through his friends trying to get a crutch. 
He hobbled to the sink about dark and when he left the sink a 
friend who was just going in told him that he would catch him 
in a moment and assist him to his quarters. The reflector made 
everything in that region as light as day. and the sentinel must 

69 






J_ 1 



■q 



~'V. - -"-^^.^^u^. ,) 



'SB^ 



have seen that he was very lame. He had gotten to some rude 
steps, some twenty feet from the sink, and was endeavoring to get 
down ; whilst doing so he raised his hand to fix up his suspender, 
and was in a moment shot down. Lieutenant Brockenbrough, 
who was under and within four feet of the sentinel, said no warn- 
ing had been given; others said he called out to him to "double 
quick" and fired immediately. Rev. Mr. Handy says that the 
sentinel called to him and that he was ahead of Colonel Jones. 
At any rate, the fact was undeniable that Jones was orderly, 
quiet and unobtrusive ; that there never had been any orders to 
us to double quick going to or coming from the sink ; that Colonel 
Jones was very lame — hardly able to walk — and, therefore, could 
not "double quick," which fact was apparent to the sentinel. Yet 
he was fired upon, the ball passing through the arm and side. 
The poor man cried out in his agony, "My God, do not kill me," 
for lying there he could see the cold-blooded scoundrel reloading 
his piece. Some gentlemen asked permission to go to Colonel 
Jones* assistance. It was granted and several started, but the 
sentinel said with an oath, "Don't too many of you go there else 
I'll throw another ball there." A guard soon came and bore the 
colonel out to the hospital, where he died on the night of the 
ninth of July. On the morning of the eighth of July I wrote a 
letter to General Schoepf, staling that the shootmg was unpro- 
voked as could be abundantly shown, and respectfully asked that 
he would order an investigation. 1 his paper was signed by 
Colonel Rice, Major Johnston, Captain Moon, and others, and 
delivered that morning by Colonel Rice in person to General 
Schoepf, but up to the twentieth of August no reply had been 
received, and no investigation had, within our knowledge, been 
made. Schoepf, whilst in the "pen" on the eighth of July, said 
both parlies were to blame — that the sentinel. Douglas, said he 
three times ordered him to "double quick" before he fired. If the 



/ / // 7^ . j^^T , : — zrvT~rT"7s35ST 



sentinel was to blame as well as Colonel Jones, how was he 
punished? On the thirteenth of July he, for the first time after 
the murder, came into the "pen" m charge of a squad of men and 
acting corporal. 

At Johnson's Island a sentinel shot Captain Meador of 
Mississippi through both legs and was promoted to sergeant. 
Another sentinel killed a lieutenant and was promoted to lieutenant 
for the gallant act. 

On the eighth of July an order bearing that date, and copied 
elsewhere in this book, was posted in our quarters. By the 
terms of it the sentinels, composed of deserters, one hundred day 
men substitutes — the scum of the North — were made absolute 
masters of our lives. "They will be shot if they disobey any order 
given them by a sentinel." Such was the tyranny of Fort Dela- 
ware. No laws to read and obey. No trial by a jury or any 
other tribunal. No writ of habeas corpus. Every day facing 
death, yet never knowing when we were in most danger. Whilst in 
this fort I made a resolve which I shall keep during life. I shall 
ever lift my voice in favor of the due publication of laws, trial by 
jury and the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus. 

Whilst at the fort my father, living in Kanawha County, 
studied to render me comfortable. About the first of July he 
started to see me. but General Early was at that time about 
Washington City, and the time was unpropitious for a visit to 
a Rebel. He could not get permission to visit self or brother, 
though I judge from a letter to me that he had a promise that 
something might eventually be done. He went to Baltimore and 
there met with Mrs. Ada Edgerton (pronounced Egerton), 194 
Preston street, who received one hundred dollars for each of us 
to be sent in money, clothes or eatables, as we desired. Mrs. 
Edgerton soon convinced me she was a good agent, as her boxes of 
food were just such as I desired, and when I wrote for pants, 

01 




^'n-. 



■—••^«-VA.,ni.i 



'f^KF-^^F - ~- -~ 



though father told her that I was just his size, she managed to 
have me fitted. She wrote very motherly, kind letters, and I 
judged she was a very old lady, though I have since learned that 
she was a widow eligible to marry. At any rate, from the first 
she showed kmdness to the Rebels in prison, actmg as agent for 
some, giving to a great many, and on more than one occasion she 
was imprisoned on suspicion. She and her sister. Miss McCreigh, 
visited and nursed our wounded at Gettysburg, and many a poor 
"Reb" will bless them both. 

On the thirteenth day of August the names of 600 men 
were called out of our pen, mine among them, to be placed under 
fire at Morris Island. Most of us thought the movement would 
result in exchange, and several officers bought the chances of 
others, giving from fifty dollars to two hundred dollars in green- 
backs. We were ordered to be ready to start the next day, but 
day after day passed away with many rumors, until the twentieth 
day of August, when we were finally marched into line with our 
baggage, marched out to the wharf under a strong guard, and 
placed aboard the steamer "Crescent." 

This boat, on which we were destined to spend nineteen 
long days of great suffering, was an ocean steamer of about 900 
tons, and said to be iron-bound. Between decks four rows of 
bunks had been constructed, each row containing three tiers, and 
it was calculated that ail of us were to stay between decks except 
at limited times, when a few were allowed to go on deck and get 
a little air. Between decks there were ports fore and aft on each 
side, and little air-holes every ten feet, from stem to stern. The 
bunks and machinery occupied all the room except two passages 
of three feet. The distance from each bunk to the one above it 
was about twenty-seven inches, and the bunk in which I stayed 
with a friend was about three feet wide. The majority of the 
bunks were as dark as night, and those near the machinery were 



above fever heat at all limes. Of course there was no place to 
sit down or to stand up and. therefore, we laid in our bunks day 
and night. A few, rendered desperate by the heat, would night 
and day block up the ports, and thus the little air we might other- 
wise have had was excluded. Some, who could get no bunks, 
slept in piles under the steps of the gangway and between the 
ports. So soon as we were taken aboard a few men, who were 
favorites of General Schoepf, were taken to the cabin and there 
slept in beds and ate with the Yankee officers. The wounded 
and sick, of whom there were about forty, were allowed to sit 
and sleep on deck around the forecastle gangway, where they 
were exposed to the sun and rains during the whole trip. How 
could sound men occupy the cabins whilst poor, one-legged men 
lay for weeks sweltering in the broiling sun? 

Our guard on board numbered over two hundred muskets. 
On the first day all were in command of Colonel McCook, of 
Ohio, who seemed rather a pleasant man and, I think, tried to 
render us as comfortable as the nature of the case would permit. 
Leaving the wharf at 4 p. m. on the twentieth, we moved down 
to Delaware Breakwater, where we cast anchor to wait for a 
gunboat to convoy us, the "private ships" of Dixie having been 
too recently in that vicinity to trust so valuable a cargo with only 
200 guards, albeit these guards had the sole control of the upper 
deck and could at any moment concentrate a (ire of 100 muskets 
on cither of the two gangways. 

We were doomed to wait all day long on the twenty-first at 
Breakwater, suffering terribly from the natural as well as the 
artificial heat between decks. Just at sunset the convoy was ready 
and we were soon out on the bosom of the old ocean, which, 
during the night, was considerably agitated by a fresh breeze, 
which caused the vessel to roll terribly and rendered many of the 
men very sick. I remained rather quiet, and only felt a little 






■fSflF^ 



squeamish, but it was really amusing to see prisoners and sentinels 
holding on and straining as if they would burst a blood-vessel. 
After the fit of vomiting was over the poor fellows would lie as 
if they were almost dead with exhaustion. 

The suffering between decks was increased by the fact that 
the waves rendered it necessary to close the lower half of the four 
ports, thus excluding one-half of our modicum of air, and increas- 
ing the heat very much. Added to this the officers vomited in 
the narrow passages from necessity, producing m a short while a 
terrible stench, and many of them, suffering for air, rushed to the 
ports, thus crowding up the aisles and almost suffocating those 
who, from seasickness, were compelled to remain in their bunks. 
On the twenty-second, and indeed till our arrival at Hilton Head, 
this condition of things existed, the wind blowing less after the 
night of the twenty-first, but the weather getting warmer each day. 

During the voyage down we generally had water aplenty, 
though it was old and not good. The crackers and meat issued 
to us were sufficient as we then had but little appetite. The guard 
on board consisted of one hundred day Ohio men, and two com- 
panies of Pennsylvania Battery, one of them Ahl's deserters, the 
whole under command of one Capt. James H. Prentiss, of Ohio, 
who took command at Breakwater. 

This fellow Prentiss was the very quintessence of all that 
humanity detests. He did no act from the first day to the last 
which tended to accommodate us, but, on the contrary, guarded 
us with a rigor which showed that his cruel little heart loved 
to oppress the weak. He retained all our money in his hands, and 
refused to let any of us eat in the cabin, though the steward had 
food to accommodate us. We were allowed to buy hot water 
from the cook if we had the greenbacks, for he would accept no 
order on the cook, or any other person than the steward, who was 
not allowed to feed us in the cabin, and would not furnish us 

04 




Cen. Robert E. Lee 



-^' 



anything outside the cabin except something to drink, which, by 
the way. he sold at fabulous rates. He even placed a guard at 
the forecastle gangway to prohibit the ship's crew from furnishing 
us any part of the food issued to them. This sentinel, being 
further ordered to keep a way open around the mast, unnecessarily 
and cruelly thrust his bayonet into me one day without a particle 
of warning. I had seen the same hound thrust his bayonet into 
an unofTendmg man at Fort Delaware. He was a deserter. 
Prentiss, instead of accepting our orders, and settling our accounts 
when he was relieved, required us to draw an order on him. which 
he kept and then gave us an order on the sutler, deducting ten 
per cent, as he said, for cookmg. and when relieved sneaked off, 
and. as I expected, stole part of our funds. He gave me an 
order on the sutler for $2.25. which the sutler refused to accept 
and I now have, yet he charged me with this, and $5.75 besides, 
thus pocketmg $8.00 of my little stock. The instances were so 
numerous of this as to preclude the possibility of mistake. It 
was grand larceny. A number of us. after we had reached 
Hilton Head, made a statement of these facts in writing to Major 
General Foster, but heard nothmg from it. 

The sinks of the boat were all upon the upper deck, and 
two only were allowed to go up at a time, the consequence being 
that many suffered in this respect. No matter how hot the day 
was, or how much the men sweltered down between decks, but 
fifty were allowed air at any one time. As a consequence, an 
anxious crowd was always besieging the stainvay and many in the 
stern could not get above at all. Day by day the men became 
weaker and weaker, until many could scarcely walk at all when 
we were disembarked. 

During the night of the twenty-fourth of August, about 
2 o'clock, the boat suddenly struck, and all who were awake 
were of course seized with fear. As I was fast asleep and con- 



6.-. 



1 



linued so until nearly daybreak I was, of course, blissfully igno- 
rant. When awakened, orders were being given to go up on 
deck and crowd on the forecastle, while some were ordered to 
assist the hands in throwing over coal to lighten the vessel. I felt 
of one of the men's pants near his shoes, who had been in the 
hold, and as they were not wet and the weather was calm. I had 
no great uneasiness. On getting to the upper deck I found it 
very dark, though still and clear, and I could hear the breakers, 
evidently very near us. I enquired where we were of the mate 
and captain as they passed me. but could get no reply; this 
induced me to believe we were near mainland and north of Charles- 
ton, though the ship was due that morning at Hilton Head, and 
should have been southeast of Charleston Harbor. I communicated 
my supposition.'^ lo some friends, and especially to Captain Pinck- 
ney. of the Fourth South Carolina Cavalry, who had told me that 
he lived about forty miles from Charleston near CaF>e Romain. 

As it was by this time getting light. I fastened myself to 
a rope, where I could have a good view, and soon saw a deserted 
lighthouse about 400 yards distant, then the breakers about 200 
yards off, and then the low, sandy shore just beyond. I was 
communicating to my friend the fact that sea gulls were wading 
in the surf 200 yards off, when he identified the spot as Capye 
Romam within a few miles of home and within the lines of the 
Confederates, though unfortunately separated from the mainland 
about seven miles distant by a succession of marshy islands. Upon 
the faith of his statement that the channels between the islands 
were narrow, we at once commenced beating up recruits to take 
the boat. 

The crowd was so great that it was impossible to move 
about rapidly, and quite a number refused to strike a blow for 
their own rescue, one min statine that it would be impossible to 
take off our baggage, yet the ball commenced rolling slowly and 



we had no doubt of success, though it was evident that the 
Yankees suspected us. None of the field officers, except Major 
Goldsboro. could at first be found, too many of them having 
found their way days before into the luxuries of the cabin, whence, 
if they had the disposition, they had not the ability to help us. 
The boat's crew were much confused, as well as the guard, and 
both were repeatedly moved from place to place to relieve certain 
portions of the ship, and at one time I observed that 125 of the 
guard passed so near to us that they might have been disarmed 
without striking a blow, but we were then doing what ought to 
have been done at Fort Delaware, forming an organization. This 
a number of us attempted to form at Fort Delaware, but several 
officers told me that I was fixing to get them all between decks 
again, and that, so far from forming an organization, if a parole 
was offered on leaving the fort they would accept it. 

During the time we were working to effect our object below 
decks, the cabin passengers, it seems, were not idle, for they, I 
learn, made a formal demand upon Captain Prentiss to surrender, 
who replied that his condition was not yet hopeless, but intimated 
his willingness, if his efforts to get the boat off failed, to surrender 
on condition that he and his men would be paroled and allowed 
to go to Hilton Head. Such terms. I need not say, would have 
been unacceptable to the majority. Douglas was aboard and with 
him others who had made us feel the rigors of prison life, and the 
desire to be revenged, as much as a wish for freedom, induced us 
to run all risks. My own opinion is that if we had succeeded 
some of the prisoners would have been dealt with rather speedily, 
and, believing that they would be so dealt with, the deserters 
boldly determined to fight it out. whilst the one hundred day men, 
as a general rule, would have surrendered at a word. During 
all this time not a sail was to be seen, and no living thing except 
sea gulls; Colonel Woolfolk. when the ship first struck, got a life- 



preserver from the cabin, and in the confusion got into the sea 
and swam ashore. He was now lying on the beach, rolled up in 
a knot, and, havmg on black clothes, looked like an old charred 
log. 

We had four life boats which could have reached the beach 
and returned in twenty minutes, carrying twenty men and, since 
fully half could swim or float on bunks, I thought we could have 
gotten all hands on the island in one and one-half hours, and by 
proper distribution of labor we hoped that at least the greater part 
could escape. But, while we were busy preparing to take the 
boat, the Yanks were not idle. A signal of distress, an inverted 
flag, was hoisted, and, just as we thought we were ready for 
action, a gunboat came in sight. Some of us still favored action, 
believing that the best swimmers could escape, but others, more 
cautious or knowing more about gunboats, opposed any action, 
and, while we debated, another and still another gunboat came 
in sight, so manned as to be able to rake the shore and thus cut 
off our last hope of escape. 

Thus baffled, we sat down and doggedly awaited the return 
of the tide, which, with the great efforts of the Yanks, after 
many a hard bump finally got the "Crescent" afloat, soon after 
which she continued her course, passing Charleston Bar at 3 p. m. 
and reaching the bar of Hilton Head about dark. Being unable 
to secure a pilot we anchored at this place during the night, and 
the next morning, the twenty-fifth of August, steamed into the 
harbor and again anchored near Hilton Head Island, while Cap- 
tain Prentiss reported at once to General Foster. 

This harbor is the best on the Southern coast, I expect, being 
quite commodious, of an average depth of say twenty fathoms, 
and completely protected except from southeast winds. I found 
about fifty vessels here of all kinds, including the steam frigate 



:v\ 



^^ 



"Wabash," twelve or fourteen gunboats, and a number of tugs 
and light craft. 

During the day of arrival we heard many rumors and reports, 
but nothing hopeful for us. The condition of the boat by this 
tmie was horrible, it not having been cleaned since we left Fort 
Delaware. An application, signed by some of the field officers, 
was made to General Foster to allow all hands to go ashore, so 
that they might wash and to permit of the boat being cleaned, 
and the offer was made to accept a parole whilst on shore, but 
to this Foster returned no reply, though the health officer reported 
that the sanitary condition of the boat was terrible, and that 
disease must fasten itself on us if we continued on the boat. The 
only amendment consisted in driving us all to the upp>er deck, 
whilst a detail from the prisoners cleaned out part of the filth 
below. This was repeated almost every day during the next two 
weeks, though, as we were thoroughly heated up by the sun and 
returned between decks before the air became pure, our condition 
was but little benefited. 

On the night of the twenty-seventh Captain Perkins and 
three others, who had managed to get life-preservers from the 
cabin, made their arrangements and swam ashore on Hilton Head 
Island, and from thence to Pinckney Island. Reaching this island 
they supposed they were on mainland and threw away their life- 
preservers. They marched across the island and were m sight of 
our pickets, but supposed by going further to the left they would 
get safely into our lines. A short swim would have given them 
liberty, but they actually walked into the enemies' pickets. This 
adventure was attended with one great danger which deterred 
many from following them. The harbor, and indeed all the 
inlets, are full of sharks. Every day whilst we were at anchor 
the huge, broad-mouthed monsters swam around us. picking up 
crackers, pieces of meat, etc.. and Captain Perkins said he was 






.ii^ a»-- " i!^ 



-iv. - -'-^.^..v- 



-' i 



once lifted out of the water by some large fish, and that he saw 
a number larger than he was. The Yanks said that a full dis- 
charge would not tempt them to swim from Hilton Head to Pinck- 
ney. and indeed all were prohibited by general orders from swim- 
ming in any of these waters. 

After the return of Perkins and company, a tug with two 
small guns sailed, or rather steamed, around us in a small circle 
every night from dark to daybreak, and in addition to this precau- 
tion our vessel changed its position, so that to reach the island 
would necessitate a swim of one-half mile. We had scarcely 
reached Hilton Head before there was a decided diminution in 
our rations, accompanied with a very short supply of water. Some 
of the water was obtained from a river nearby, but whilst here 
and off Charleston Bar we generally drank condensed or evap- 
orated water, and as the demand was ever greater than the supply, 
its temperature was generally nearly 1 00 degrees Fahrenheit, and 
once. I think, it was even greater than 1 00 degrees. This water 
we were generally required to drink at the barrel, without the 
opportunity to cool it. Once I filled a bottle with the water and 
in doing so could scarcely let my wrist remain long enough in 
the barrel for that purpose. Even such water as this was finally 
denied us, and for more than twenty-four hours before I left the 
"Crescent" I suffered all the horrors of a burning thirst. Just as 
we disembarked it commenced to rain, and many of us, catching 
the rain in our hats, drank it with much eagerness. 

On the thirtieth day of August Captain Prentiss and his 
lovely crew took leave of us, having, during that time, failed to 
make one single friend among the prisoners, and not having per- 
formed one single act of kindness or courtesy, though in the midst 
of so much suffering even a word of sympathy would have been 
kindly remembered by any of us. 

A detachment of the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh New 



'W^.hVATT^. 



York Volunteers. Captain McWilliams, from this time assumed 
the guardianship of us, and, though he was stuck up with the 
importance of his position, and was unnecessarily rigorous in the 
discharge of his orders, his lieutenants were quite polite and 
resp>ectful as a general rule; all the non-commissioned officers and 
staff were not only very polite, but very kind and attentive to our 
wants. They gave us coffee and bread as far as they could, pro- 
cured hot water for us without cost, and, notwithstanding orders, 
allowed us to come on deck more freely than before. These 
attentions very much alleviated our sufferings. About this time 
all the wounded and those who were very sick, in all about forty, 
were transferred to another boat and carried to Beaufort, where 
they remained for some time. 

We had scarcely reached Hilton Head before a military 
court was formed to try the captain and second mate of the 
"Crescent." This court sat from day to day, and it was under- 
stood that we were detained at Hilton Head because of this trial. 
By what law Foster could try a man in the Navy I do not know, 
but. after several sessions of the court, the captain was fined one 
hundred dollars for running aground, he contending that the 
number of bayonets which Prentiss would have about the pilot 
house had caused him to lose his reckoning. The authorities sus- 
pected that he had been paid by New Yorkers to run the ship 
ashore; one thing is certain — though he and his whole crew were 
Southern he was very tactiturn. and if he had any plan for our 
release, he kept us, the most interested parties, in ignorance of it. 

On the night of the thirty-first of August we had quite a 
storm, the wind for a time blowing a perfect hurricane from the 
northwest, though the waters in the harbor were very little agitated. 
On the next morning, bright and early, the wind had changed to 
the northeast and was blowing fresh, so we pulled up anchor and 
steamed off for Charleston, accompanied by a gunboat. As the 



wind was dead ahead we had a rough and boisterous time of it, 
great waves roUing the old ship about terribly and throwing the 
spray over the decks. Many of the men became seasick, and as 
the lower half of the ports were closed it was awfully hot between 
decks. We reached Charleston Bar about sunset and anchored 
near Admiral Dalgreen's flagboat just astern of his monitors. 

We were now fairly under fire, I suppose, and here we 
remained until the seventh of September, listless spectators of the 
idleness of the vessels around us, almost dead with heat and 
hunger and thirst, panting for air and liberty, denied every comfort 
on earth. Day after day we lingered, in hope that each suc- 
ceeding day would bring us exchange, or even removal to Morris 
Island, for even the latter, under fire of our ow-n forts, was prefer- 
able to the insufferable stench of the "Crescent," added to hot 
water, a bare modicum of crackers and salt pork, and the daily 
danger of the equinoctial storm, which might drive us to sea without 
water or food. Many of the men, I am certain, were almost 
crazed by the mental and bodily torture they suffered during these 
long days and nights. 

Whilst we were in this situation a Yankee sergeant went 
several times to Morris Island and bought tobacco, canned fruit, 
meats and some clothing, which he sold to us at the most exorbitant 
prices. Having no boots, I asked him to get me a pair, which 
I told him I would take whether they fitted me or not. He made 
me pay ten dollars for a pair which cost him six dollars and did 
not fit me. Whilst here we had two severe blows, during one of 
which our anchor dragged considerably, but we were not com- 
pelled to put to sea. At last one morning we were piloted into 
the inlet between Folly Island and Morris Island, and, being 
fastened to the wharf, were disembarked about midday, thus, for 
the first time in nineteen long days of torment, touching foot upon 
Mother Earth. 






^ 



~m 



We were met at the wharf by a full regiment of the Sons 
of Africa, the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts, under command of 
Colonel Hallowell, son of an abohtion silk merchant in Phila- 
delphia. This regiment (whilst the Yanks were getting us off 
and takmg away our blankets, which latter, by the way, they only 
partially replaced) amused us by exhibiting their proficiency in 
the manual, and thus, as they supposed, impressing us with a 
wholesome dread of their prowess. We soon started up the 
eastern beach of Morris Island, guarded as closely by these 
negroes as if we were in Confederate lines. The gait was so rapid 
and we so weak that many of us utterly broke down about one and 
one-half miles from the wharf, when we halted to rest, and, as it 
just then commenced raining hard, we eagerly caught water in 
our hats to drink, having had none for twenty-four hours. The 
negroes, perceiving this, went to a spring hard by and brought 
us some very good water. 

After marching for one and one-half miles more we came 
to Fort Wagrico, or, as the Yanks call it. Fort Strong, and passing 
this stronghold 250 or 300 yards, we reached the "prisoners' 
pen," into which we were marched and told to select our tents. 
Hallowell (for he and his darkeys continued to guard us) soon 
had us in line and made a speech in which he said that he could 
annoy us and we could annoy him. but that he desired and 
intended to treat us as gentlemen, if we would permit him. He 
slated that a roF>e extending around the encampment just ten feet 
from the outside tents was a dead line which to touch was death, 
but that we could go about our quarters during the day as we 
chose. At night we were only to leave our tents on necessary 
purposes, one at a time only, and that one not to go out of his 
street. He said that we might expect to remain in these quarters 
until the Confederacy consented to exchange man for man. 

This speech having ended, David Garrett, of Bedford, Jno. 



- >- '■'^/ V 


rt^..^....^jvntfcz.^^- ^v • ^ \- 




^y»te-^- 







Amington, of Campbell, of the Forty-second Infantry, Wm. B. 
Carder, Fourth Infantry of Smyth's, and myself joined hands and 
selected the sixth tent on First street, Co. A., as our quarters. 
Our "p>en*' was made of pme poles from four to eight inches in 
diameter, sharpened at top, and set upright about four feet in the 
ground, bemg fully fifteen feet above ground and so closely set 
that it was difficult to see between them. We at first did not 
know how far they were placed in the ground, and Captain Per- 
kins and others in the next tent to mine commenced planning to 
get out, but they had many difficulties to overcome. They could 
get nothing but a few cracker boxes to carry away the sand and 
after they had dug about nine feet a heavy rain filled up the hole 
and that night some scoundrel told the Yanks, who then let us 
know that the poles had been put under water level with a view 
to prevent mining. Of course this stopped all mining operations. 

Our pen was about eighty yards square, and as the dead 
line was the width of a road from the fence we had a space of 
about seventy yards square for our residence, sleeping, etc. We 
lived, moved, slept and had our being in very small **A" tents, 
in which four men could sleep if it was not raining. When it 
rained we got prop>erly wet. The encampment had four streets, 
and there were eight detachments commanded by negro wardens, 
the detachments bemg numbered "A." "B, " "C, " etc. Of 
course "A" and "H" were next to the dead line. All of the 
tents had straw in them which was very necessary, as many of 
us had no blankets and were never supplied with them. In the 
middle of each street a well was sunk about three feet for washing 
water. This water we sometimes drank when there was a failure 
to bring any water, although the encampment was located just 
where many had been buried a year previous, during the sanguinary 
battles around this point. 

Our sinks were barrels, three to a street, with a piece of 

74 



in. .,or^\ a'uct 



t A^ Li. n^'^-l^'■ "'■'v ifr^i I - 1 ^ II ' ' ,- V, v^y^^- '" " " ■:"::xv -n.. . j.alu .-•P^ >;,/.>,.'. /JJT 



plank fastened on part of the top. These barrels were placed at 
the end of the streets during the day, but were distributed along 
the streets at night. Though the colonel promised to treat us as 
gentlemen, one of the first orders given us by our negro sergeants 
was to take out and bring in these sinks. We took them three 
limes each day to the dead line and brought them back. The 
negroes had roll call three times each day, keeping us in line till 
reports had been made to the officer of guard and verified. They 
were very particular in crossing the lines and covering the files, 
and the negro and his officer touched hats with great formality. 
The provost marshal was, I am told, charged with the duty 
of feeding us. the negro sergeants furnishing it to us. The meat 
was taken out of the box with their hands generally full of sand, 
and the soup was dipped out of a small barrel. On hot days the 
sweat from the negroes was plentifully mixed with the soup. Dur- 
mg the first few days when the scanty ration was issued the negroes 
were so much ashamed that they apologized by saying that it 
was new to the officer, and he would do better in the future, but 
it was soon apparent that there was a determination to make us 
live down to the very lowest limit capable of sustaining life. Until 
about the first of October we had daily three, sometimes four, and 
sometimes only two, small crackers per diem, about one-fourth 
pound of meat, frequently one-eighth, one gill of thin bean soup, 
and one gill of cooked rice. This was absolutely all we got and 
consequently we were always hungry. So extreme was the hunger 
of some that they dug with their hands for grass roots for sub- 
sistence. The crackers issued to us were always full of worms 
and bugs, frequently mere scrapings of a box, and would have 
been condemned by any medical board as unfit for food. At the 
request of others. I once wrote to Colonel Hallowell that I was 
prepared to show, by specimens of the crackers then in my pos- 
session, that the bread issued to us was unfit for food, and signified 

70 










a willingness to submit this question to a board of United Stales 
officers. This letter was unnoticed. 

About the first of October a ^'ankee colonel, exchanged, 
came m the pen and commenced telling what rations he received 
at Charleston. Colonel hlallowell was with him and exhibited 
to him the orders requiring that we should be fed as the prisoners 
in Charleston. The order was not read out and we then found 
out that someone had been daily cheating us of the rations ordered 
to us. After this so much complaint was made, and the sick list 
had increased to such an extent that Doctor Durrant, the surgeon, 
took the trouble to search into the affair; the result was that fol- 
lowing the investigation we received daily about five crackers and 
one-fourth pound of meat, except one day, when our friends in 
Charleston sent us something, the Yanks gave us nothing. The 
Yankees insisted on giving us a gill of soup and cooked rice, 
although the prisoners in Charleston got daily one-fifth of a pint 
of raw beans and rice, which, cooked, would make twice the 
quantity we got. 

For some time a sutler drove a cart into the jx-n semi-weekly 
and sold us many things which enabled us to live. His prices 
were far above the usual mark of even sutlers. Molasses, fifty 
cents a pint; gingerbread or crackers, two for five cents; tobacco 
at Confederate rates payable in greenbacks, etc. Indeed, he 
seemed determined to kill the goose that laid the golden egg. 
Some of the officers were, it seems, equal to the occasion, and as 
all hands had cheated them by stealing their rations, they stole 
the sutler's goods to such an extent that it wouldn't pay to sell to 
prisoners, and of course he quit. I hose moralists who would 
blame the officers for doing this must remember that they have 
never been prisoners in Yankee hands. I saw one man steal a 
handkerchief and in a moment after offer to trade it to the owner 



for molasses ; another stole a box of pepper which he said was 
not good, and the sutler paid him the money for it. 

Following him a new sutler came in who sold at more rea- 
sonable rates. He had little cause to complain of theft, though 
some of the officers having gotten their hands m. it was difficult 
to stop the habit of lifting. 

A look at the rough map of this region, which so far as I 
could see. was moderately correct will show how p>erfeclly the 
enemy had protected Wagner by placing us there. Indeed, it 
may be said that our situation at no other spot (where a pen 
of this size could be built) would so effectually silence our forts. 
We were. then, emphatically acting as breastworks for the enemy, 
not only shielding them in their breastworks, but enabling them 
with impunity to haul guns, timber, shells, etc., to Fort Gaines 
and Fort Gregg, and to work large parlies every night on Cum- 
mings Point. On the sixth of October they opened with a new 
mortar gun from Gaines and on the 7th commenced firing two 
guns on Charleston from Gregg, which must have been 200- 
fxiunders. At any rate, they were larger than any guns fired 
from the island since our arrival. Whilst writing incidents of 
my imprisonment I could hear the axmen chopping at Gregg, and 
each night could also hear several hundred laborers, who worked 
all night long, pass our pen. 

Fhe enemy had fired on Charleston and our forts every day 
and night following our arrival, but we had been so long accus- 
tomed to the sound that it never even awakened us when asleep 
and scarcely attracted our attention when awake. A lull of half 
a day was remarked as indicative of a flag of truce in which all 
felt interested. On the evening of the ninth of September at 4 
p. m. Battery Vl'agner commenced firing shotted guns in honor of 
the Atlanta victory, directing her fire upon Sumpter and Moultrie. 
Old Moultrie at last became aroused and returned the compliment. 



and both parties kept up this engagement, directly over our heads, 
till after 10 p. m., when, wearied with the noise. I went to sleep. 
James' Island and Beauregard also took a hand, the latter at 
Gregg, and she, too, poured the shots into Charleston. 

In this engagement Moultrie fired splendidly, only two or 
three shots falling too short; the great majority fell into Wagner. 
Most of our shells were from mortars and looked as if they would 
fall directly on us, but, whilst we held our breath in anxious ex- 
pectation, its parabolic course would land it in the fort. Every 
good shot was applauded by us as loudly as we dared. We were 
but 250 yards from the spot at which these monster shells were 
directed, and too little powder or a slight elevation of the mortar 
might have killed many of us since we were so crowded together. 
But it was a trial of Southern against Northern gunnery. We 
were the probable victims and we were willing to see them fight it 
out. One shell fell near the fort, and afterwards exploded, throw- 
ing the screw backwards, endangering us; another fell just twenty 
feet beyond us, among the negroes, and made them scatter ter- 
ribly. Unluckily, it did not explode. Two shells exploded over 
us throwing great and small pieces all about our camp. After 
these two last shots Moultrie fired no more at Wagner, and this 
was the first evidence that the Confederates knew our position 
between the forts. 

Our greatest danger in the combat was from a premature 
explosion of a shell from Wa^^ner. which fired I 54 shots directly 
on our camp and those at Moultrie directly over our heads. Two 
shells did prematurely explode, throwing huge pieces into our 
camp, many fragments flying just over our heads, and one of the 
shells exploded the huge gun. killing a horse and cutting off a 
man's leg. One of these pieces buried itself in the wall behind 
my head, whilst a number of pieces fell in a street between us 
and the fence; another piece struck within two inches of Captain 

78 



Lewis, five tents distant from us. Wagner fired over our heads 
on one occasion only following that engagement. It was under- 
stood that the general ordered that she was not to fire over us. 

October 12. 1864. 

About the first of October one of the large guns at Gregg 
exploded, killing two men. \\ ork on so extensive a scale in that 
neighborhood seemed to betoken more activity in firing on Charles- 
ton. Occasionally, about dark. Moultrie and Beauregard opened 
on Gregg and Gaines with mortars, and we sat and watched the 
gleaming eccentric balls till a late hour at night. The firing was 
very accurate and no doubt for the time effectually prevented any 
labor in that region. Old Sumpter could be seen from our north- 
west corner, and at daybreak she generally had her sharpshooters 
busy who made all hands keep their heads low. Occasionally the 
picket monitor opened on Sumpter and Moultrie, and the "Swamp 
Angel" fired at Charleston, whilst "Bull of the Woods," as the 
^'anks called it. on James Island, returned the compliment on 
Gregg. 

On the night of the sixth of October, when the firing was 
excessive at a late hour, two of our shells exploded, throwing large 
pieces over our camp, though thry did not damage us. I daily 
expected the enemy to make an attack on Charleston, as in addi- 
tion to the work about Gregg they had brought up a new monitor, 
and It was rumored that a large addition to their forces would 
.<;oon be received. It was said that then all six huge guns at and 
near Gregg were bearing on Charleston. Almost every day we 
could see the smoke of a huge fire, the work of these incendiaries 
who fought a nation by killing women and children and burning 
houses. Wagner was a very strong work about 200 yards long 
and I 50 yards in width with salients. It mounted ten huge 
Parrotts on the front and six on the sea face, besides. I suppose, six 



lS?-3- 



towards James Island. A number of field pieces were also held 
for defensive work. The walls of this fort were sand sodded on 
top and fully twenty feet thick. 

Morris Island was composed of sand entirely except the 
marshy ground near and fronting James Island. It was generally 
barren, though in some places a tall, coarse grass grew. The 
sand was almost impalpable. In our pen there was nothing but 
sand e.xcept in two little spots. The more I saw of the negro 
soldier, the more I was satisfied that he was fitted for the simpler 
duties of a soldier. These Fifty-fourth Massachusetts negroes 
fought when Wagner was taken and lost heavily, though I cannot 
think they fought well. Their fear of their officers amounted to 
terror, and they obeyed orders to the letter. They took pride in 
the manual of arms, and the drummer could beat his drum all 
night if allowed. Several appeared on guard with gloves, white 
at that. One white soldier, who substituted for a negro, belonged 
to the regiment. The sergeants and corporals, who were wardens 
and who alone could speak to the prisoners, were moderately 
intelligent and could read and write; several of them behaved like 
well-bred Virginia neeroes. Those on guard always walked their 
beats in the same direction at the same time, about faced at the 
same moment, and charged from "shoulder" to "support," I sup- 
pose, by signal. Colonel Hallowell, I suppose, fought well at 
Wacner under Shaw; at least he lost an eye there and another 
member which is no unimportant part of man's organization. He 
h^d a glass eye, which, for the sake of humanity I hope was in 
part the cause of a hang-dog look, a devilish leer, a fiendish scowl, 
which would at any time affright Innocence herself, or would 
cause the strong man. if near him in the dark, to dread the dag- 
ger. His affectations must have been "dark as Erebus." He 
was utterly odious and repulsive in manner and looks, was fitted 

80 



// 



but to act as "nigger" colonel, and would conform to my idea 
of one who was determined to prove a villain, 

"And hate the idle pleasures of those days." 

Doctor Durrant, a native of Bermuda, was our physician 
till the eighth of October, when he was ordered to return to 
Beaufort. His proportions were excessively aldermanic, the whole 
man indicative of high living and good humor. He was the first 
officer in the Yankee army to treat me with the courtesy which 
indicates the gentleman. He was unusually polite and kind, and 
all of us regretted to see him leave. Though many of us had little 
vexatious diseases and troubled him daily, he always did the best 
he could, and he it was who, when he found that we were being 
cheated out of our rations, rode to all the headquarters, braved all 
the red tape and did not pause till we got enough to enable us to 
live. I took the diarrhoea on the very day I landed here and 
expected to have it until I could get vegetables. I called every 
day on Doctor Durrant; he did his best to cure me, frequently 
called and gave me the news, furnished me with Jamaica ginger, 
ordered loaf bread and tea, and more than once furnished me some 
pure extract of rye. His successor was a pure, unadulterated, 
Weathcrsficld. Wooden Nutmeg. Union Yankee, self-important, 
cold, heartless and withal ignorant. 

On the seventh of October General Saxton. who had com- 
manded on this island, was returned, and Brigadier General Scam- 
mon assumed command in his stead. General Scammon com- 
manded for a long time in the Kanawha Valley, and I had heard 
that his rule was mild and courteous. When he was captured 
and brought to Dublin my L'ncle J. wrote me that he had been 
with him several days, that he loved a good drink, was a good 
talker and. he thought, the best Yankee he ever saw. 

Being reduced to my last dime, and not hearing from father 

M 



"^-O:.-'.,, .. 



or Mrs. E-dgerlon. after consultation with my mess I wrote a note 
on the eighth to General Scammon, asking whether or not he had 
seen my father or could give me any information in regard to him. 

On the tenth I was in bed sick from the effects of a cold 
caught during two very cold days previous, when a lieutenant 
called and said the provost was waiting outside with General Scam- 
mons buggy to take me to General Scammon's headquarters. 
Though quite unwell, I bundled up, gave my verbal parole not 
to reveal any military information I might obtain, went down to 
the adjutant general's office, took a stiff drink, and was soon 
ushered into the general's private room. He received me very 
much like a gentleman, making me feel at ease; said he knew my 
father and Mr. L. well, also knew Uncle John and many of my 
acquaintances, from whom he had received many courtesies; that 
he had heard of me and had me on his blacklist when command- 
ing in Kanawha; said he was glad to interchange opinions with 
me, and we argued secession some half an hour. He said that 
he had sent for me with the view of tendering me his sympathy 
for my condition and that of my companions; that he wished he 
could help them all, but that he desired and intended to act 
within the line of his duty, lest, being a stranger on the island, 
his conduct might be misconstrued. He tendered me money, 
clothes and anything not contraband I might want, which I at first 
declined, hoping soon to hear from Baltimore; he afterwards 
insisted that I should receive some money, and he gave me thirty 
dollars, making me promise to let him know if I should need more 
money or clothes. I desired to draw a draft on father for the 
amount at once, but he said, "No, you'll want more probably and 
I desire that you say nothing of this loan to anyone till after the 
war is over when you can pay me." "Be certain," said he. 
"to write me a private note if I can aid you when you are sick 
or in want. You are here in prison, but in our intercourse let us 






\^ 



meet as gentlemen." I apologized for so long interfering with his 
duties and left him. believmg that, if a Yankee, he was a gentle- 
man. He said that Sam Jones went to school to him and that 
General Bragg slept with him at West Point; that whilst a pris- 
oner all of our officers treated him with kindness and attention 
except Brig. Gen. John W. Jones. 

Returning to the adjutant general's office I found that dinner 
had just been served, but a good lunch was ordered which I could 
have enjoyed had I been well. After an hour's talk I pleaded 
sickness and started to the provost's office. The adjutant general 
asked if I did not wish to make some purchases and sent the pro- 
vost word to take me to the store and let me get what I wanted. 
After this every subordinate was polite. The provost insisted 
on another drink, gathered up all the papers and magazines he 
could find, told me to let him know when I wanted to come out 
again, and, after taking me round to all the stores and getting a 
number of articles for half the usual price, late in the evening he 
ordered an ambulance and sent me up to the "pen." Thus had 
I found one bright streak in the otherwise gloomy surroundings of 
a long prison life, and happily was able to and did assist all the 
Bedford men, Henry Board, John Harris. Wm. H. Hatcher. 
David W. Garrett and Wm. Carder, to a small extent. 

After our arrival here we never heard definitely from the 
forty odd sick and wounded at Beaufort. Some were very sick 
with dysentery. Of the number who came here well very many 
became sick with diarrhoea and not a few with dysentery. Some 
fifteen were at the field hospital on the island, and two lieutenants, 
Peake, of Kentucky, and Calahan, of Tennessee, were numbered 
with the dead, each followed to the grave by one friend. On the 
morning of the eleventh of October, at daylight, the picket mon- 
itor got too near to Moultrie, when the latter poured shot in thick 
and fast and soon drove her off in a crippled condition. 

83 



Today I have been a prisoner five long months ; I have 
received only one letter from home, dated the twelfth of June, 
and none from Dixie friends during that time. Strangers at 
Charleston have sent us plenty of tobacco (chewmg and smoking), 
potatoes, bread, etc., but my friends, my sister and my wife have 
all been silent, and so long. Are they dead? I hope not, and 
yet the picture of a desolate hearthstone will often present itself — 
a home to me no longer. With such fears, how long are the days, 
and weeks, and months. 

COPY OF FORT DELAWARE ORDER 

Headquarters, Fort Delaware, Del.. 

July 8th. 1 864. 
Prison Rules: 

1 . Roll call at reveille and retreat. 

2. Police call at 7 a. m. and 4 p. m. 

3. Breakfast at 8 a. m. Dinner at 2 p. m. 

4. Sergeants in charge of the prisoners will exact from them 
a strict compliance with the above calls which will be regularly 
enforced, and must promptly report to the officer in charge the 
number present and absent, sick and any who are guilty of in- 
subordination or any violation of any of the rules of the prison. 
They must also notify them that if they do not promptly obey 
any order given them by a sentinel or officer or man in charge of 
them, they will be shot. 

5. Sergeants in charge will be held responsible for the due 
execution of these rules and for the regular accounting for the 
number of their men. 

By command of Brig. Gen. A. Schoepf. 

(Signed) Geo. W. Aiil. 

Capt. and A. A. A. G. 



^TT~V 



~7-T^Z~T^ 



^?vy'\ \.'S5s\v, .\\\ 



\l/. 



October 12th, 1864. 

Today, for the first time, corn mush was issued as a sub- 
stitute for bread, one-half pmt to a man. It was made of old 
meal and absolutely filled with worms. Major Johnston, First 
Mississippi Cavalry, picked ninety-eight worms and one spider 
out of his ration, and some other officer found I 28 worms and 
seventeen bugs in his. I cannot eat the stuff. Complaints are 
loud. Old "White Eye," the colonel, says some of the prisoners 
asked for corn meal and we must eat it as we get it. 

Rumors of victory at Petersburg, but the Yanks say but 
little and refuse to bring in papers. They never let us hear of 
a Confederate victory till it has ceased to be a wonder elsewhere. 
Rumor is current that we are to be removed soon. 

October 13th, 1864. 

Firing all last night and the Sumpter sharpshooters were 
busy, apparently doing good work. Mush and worms were again 
served. The negroes sold bread, made of mush stolen from us, 
at twenty-five cents per cake. They have been selling loaf bread 
for some time, first at twenty cents, then at thirty and thirty-five 
cents, but today it was fifty cents. They eat our crackers and 
sell us their bread. For three weeks no salt or vinegar has been 
issued, though the rice and soup is generally fresh. The negroes 
say it IS retaliation. 1 hey are selling salt today at ten cents per 
spoonful. I bought a little salt and some crackers from the 
warden of Company H. and traded my mush for beer. Our 
warden has a few favorites who talk politics with him and get all 
he has to sell. I have often seen our warden lying down in the 
tent of a few officers, who take pride in calling him "Sergeant," 
whilst some follow him up and do\vn for news, pulling at his coat 
to attract his attention. 



T.^ 






October 14. 1864. 

Hea\T firing at Charleston all last night, and the sharpH 
shooters popping away from Sumpter. 

More mush today, and the sutler came in and I bought 
ginger cakes and again traded for beer, made of potato peelings 
and sour molasses by Captain Dixon. The rush for the sutler 
was so great that they could scarcely be kept back, and one man, 
though repeatedly ordered back, disobeyed and was shot at but 
missed. The sentinel was not in the wrong. Charleston is said 
to have been illuminated last night in honor of some success. 
Hallowell said that all sick and wounded would be exchanged. 
Someone asked whom the order would include, and explained 
that there were some wounded in the p>en. His reply was char- 
acteristic — "Yes. a number will swear they are wounded just to 
get through." 

October 13. 1864. 
Firing slight last night, but sharpshooters were busy at day- 
break. I asked the provost marshal if we were denied salt and 
vinegar. He said we were not — that he issued it regularly and 
we ought to have a sufficiency of both. I then rep>orted to him 
that mush bread was being sold, and that our mush was full of 
worms. He said the mush should be stopped, and he would have 
an officer appointed to suF>erintend the issue and make the negroes 
act honestly. In two hours after this conversation a friend told 
me that "Harris," who had sold the mush bread, was looking for 
me and soon he apjjeared at my tent with his second, Wilkins. 
They enquired if I had repjorted them for selling mush bread, 
and. learning that I admitted the fact, said they sold for the 
cook. Knowing that in any difficulty with a negro I must come 
out second best, I determined to awe them by moral rather than 
physical force, though the negroes observed my right hand near 

80 



^.^\V\ T^TT 



-JlB 



a big bottle, whilst D. Garrett stood behind them with a good 
op>en knife and H. Board. Carder and Arrington sat by. The 
negroes tried to work themselves up to the insolent point, but the 
mfenor race would show itself and finally my order. "If you have 
business elsewhere, go and attend to it; I am engaged," was 
obeyed with as much alacrity as though they were slaves. I 
aftenvards heard that they said they intended to "take me down." 
Of course they told their friends, the "negro toadies." their own 
tale about my repxjrt of the sale of sugar, coffee, etc., and suc- 
ceeded in creating quite a prejudice against me. One of my 
friends had almost a fight in my defense. These wardens can 
easily put the sentinels on my track. I shall look for a sly shot. 
Well, three-fourths of the prisoners have no money. I have 
repwrted how they suffer at the hands of the negroes, and it 
remains to be seen whether we are to be benefited. 

October 16, 1864. 

Heavy firing last night. TTiis morning an officer appeared 
at breakfast, ordenng each detachment into line to get their food. 
This caused much complaint, but we received six and one-half 
crackers for the day, the best ration I have had on the island. 
At noon we again marched in line and got bean soup which was 
nearly all beans, richer and better than at any previous issue, and 
well salted beside. ^ esterday I got five beans. This evening 
we got a good ration of nee, well salted. A barrel of vinegar 
and some salt were issued. The "negro toadies" admit the 
improvement, but abuse me because we are ordered into line. 
Many officers called to say that I had stricken the first good blow 
at existing abuses. 

This evening a monitor, some say two. took position near 
Cummings Point, and. assisted by a new gun at "Putnams" of 
"Chadfield," opened on Moultrie and Sumpter a little after dark. 






At first only Sumpter annoyed them with sharpshooters, but finally 
old Moultrie opened with two heavy mortars, firing wildly, I 
thought. The shells were spherical case, and after the shell ex- 
ploded the small balls exploded like pop-crackers, only they were 
flying in every direction. Being on the prolongation of the line 
of fire at "Chadfield," we were much endangered, the small balls 
whizzing over us and in some cases gomg as far as Wagner. 
Finally a huge shell exploded over us, and the large pieces came 
buzzing through camp and buried themselves in our midst. One 
piece struck in my street, another in the next below us, another 
near the gate, while one hit just behind our tent, so near our heads 
as to cause us involuntarily to raise up our bodies to avoid it. 
Soon another shell seemed coming immediately into camp, but fell 
just outside, at the northeast corner near the sea; it exploded and 
made a hole which Hallowell afterwards said was large enough to 
bury a man. I will add that Hallowell also said he wished the 
"Rebs" would kill one of us for the man killed by the Union shell 
in Charleston. These mortar shells at night can be seen and 
heard the moment after fire and, guided by the trail of light, the 
eye follows them till they explode. The Confederates fired at 
the flash of the Yankee guns, and frequently cheered lustily. We 
could distinctly hear the Sumpter lookout warning all hands, 
"Under cover." This duel lasted till 1 1 o'clock. The "Nigs" 
on the north side left their posts once, but were ordered back. 
Some of the prisoners became very nervous. Miner, they say, 
took to the barrel, whilst all of our mess were affected like most 
men on the eve of battle. Wagner also took a hand, firing over 
us at Moultrie, whilst Gregg poured a fire into Charleston. This 
duel was commenced by the "Feds" in the face of the fact, 
derived from deserters and an escaped prisoner, that all the 
Yankees had been removed from Charleston. What will history 
say of this cruelty to us? 



AX^ 



October 1 7. 1 864. 
Again the ration is issued to us in line, but it is well cooked. 
The wardens are required to issue the extra and give us the 
cracker boxes for wood (the first we have had). The sutler 
again came in. bringing crackers, molasses, beef and lots of notions. 
All of us bought what we wanted and lastly the officer ordered 
the warden to issue our food at our tents, thus knocking the last 
prop from under the negro sympathizers. How selfish prisoners 
can become. Every man suffered for salt, and vinegar, and 
bread ; favoritism shown each issue ; the negroes stealing our 
rations and sellmg them to us at exorbitant prices — yet the man 
who dares to meet this evil is condemned. Why? Some have 
money ; some make rings and sell at high prices — they will be 
deprived of some articles by my report, and hence the "tempest 
in a teapot." It must be said, some of our 600 are not gentle- 
men, some are very ignorant — and association with better men 
does not improve them. They might help us to make these 
^ ankees feel that they are beneath us, but a few black sheep 
spoil the flock. 

October 18, 1864. 

Last night Gregg was busy firing at Charleston, the shell 
bursting after I had counted eighty slowly. The distance cannot, 
however, be calculated, as we cannot see the shell explode. 
Sumpter was busy with her sharpshooters and two ambulances 
went up to Gregg and returned. An officer said today that their 
men were frequently wounded. It is a noticeable fact that when 
Gregg succeeds in setting fire to any part of Charleston she fires 
at Charleston rapidly while the fire is burning. 

We got good rations again today, at least good for this 
place, and all hands seem more contented and cheerful. Rain 
all day and cold; we played whist. The rumor that we are 






'5~"S12T:^?!^^ 



soon to go to Savannah for exchange gathers confirmation and 
I begin to think something will turn up. Yankees say the 
One Hundred and Fifty-seventh New York is detailed to take 
us away. The fog is considerable tonight and hardly a gun is 
being fired. Taps are changed from dark to 9 p. m. and candles 
allowed. I bought a candle and had a long game of whist. 
Barnes and Dalton against self and Board. 

Today we all ate too much; we bought five cans of beef 
(two at "Davy's" rates), and one-half a can boiled with beans 
and crackers made more soup than we could eat. We had 
besides pickle, catsup, molasses, milk, coffee and sugar. Much 
of it bought by Garrett at his rates. 

Captain Boyd, of Tennessee, left here suddenly a few days 
since, as we conjecture, to take the oath, though down at the 
hospital it is said that he was certainly specially exchanged. He 
claims to be a headquarters scout for Bragg's army — is a great 
brag, a coarse man and not truthful. He told Board, with whom 
he messed, that he would give $1,000 to take the oath, but 
said the Yanks wouldn't let him. He gets no letters, but has 
plenty of cash. He is at least suspected. The Yankees claim 
that several of our number wish to take the oath, but this is all 
gammon. Why is their request refused? Either principle or 
interest makes us all true. 

October 19, 1864. 
A clear, pretty morning, begun with firing from Gregg and 
Wagner, and sharpshooting. A "Philadelphia Enquirer" is in, 
with rumors of victory of Hood at Atlanta, also Grant's order to 
burn everything in the valley. A sergeant also is in, who says there 
will be a flag of truce tomorrow. We arc all looking for early 
exchange and bets are being freely made. At 2 o'clock a heavy 
detail was at work near Gregg. Our Moultrie mortars opened 



and made them hurry to the rear with their spades. These shells 
to reach the Yanks (though some, unfortunately, go too far) are 
necessarily thrown near us, and two exploded within a few yards 
of our pen, throwmg the sand some thirty or forty feet high, 
while pieces of shells flew whizzing over our heads. This fright- 
ened the negroes on the fence terribly ; one of them broke, but 
was called back. At night, the Yanks opened the ball with 
mortars from Gregg and "Chadfleld." and Moultrie replied vig- 
orously and accurately, though some pieces flew over us and the 
small balls were popping and fizzing all around us. 

1 he Yanks say that we certainly leave Morris Island to- 
morrow or next day and will probably go to Savannah. We 
begin to believe now that retaliation is being ended. 

October 20. 1864. 
This morning a flag of truce prevailed with small boats. 
Capt. A. J. Lewis is ordered to prepare to be specially ex- 
changed, and all of us are notified that we are to leave this 
evening or tomorrow for Fort Pulaski. At 2 o'clock three days' 
rations of tack and meat are issued and all hands pack up. I am 
reading a book with interest, satisfied that we shall not leave today. 
At sunset Hallowell informs us that we will leave at sunrise, and 
suggests that we cook our coffee at an early hour. No water in 
the barrels, and all the springs are so offensive that it is imjxissible 
to drink from any save one, to which there is a rush. I anticipate 
a hea\y shelling tonight, and as the negroes have not yet killed 
anybody, expect them to try their hand. I counsel unusual silence 
in my mess for this reason. As night set in all the Cummings 
Point Batteries begin and for long hours throw shell and mortars, 
trying to provoke a reply, but failing. Thus up to the last night 
have these cowardly scoundrels, sheltered by bomb-proofs, sought 
to have us butchered by our friends, though they know, through 






:^f^-^--r— ^^^ r-:^-;- . . / ^ ^^^TZZ:^^ - ^-^■^'^ 



deserters, escaped Yankee prisoners, and lastly through the official 
declaration of General Harder, naval commandant, that not a 
single Yankee is even in Charleston. 

October 21, 1864. 
About one-half hour after daybreak, when the whole camp 
was awake, I heard a sentinel cry out, "Go back there"; a moment 
after he fired his gun, producing an exclamation of pain. But 
who was the sufferer? None of us dared then to go and see. In 
a little time, we slowly made our advances and, feeling our way, 
found that Captain Henry Board, Detachment "D," had started 
to the spring for water; that the sentinel spoke as he was starting; 
that he immediately turned back, and, as he was going in his tent 
the sentinel fired, missing him, but hitting Lieutenant John Harris, 
Fifty-eighth Regiment of Bedford, Va., in the knee. The ball 
passed through the kneepan and, going into another tent, hit 
Captain Blair, First North Carolina Cavalry, in the shoulder, 
though not seriously wounding him. Harris will probably be a 
cripple for life. This feat of arms amused the negroes wonder- 
fully, one of them remarking, "They run to their holes like rabbits 

I and squirrels." This outrage received no investigation whatever. 

Indeed, though I had been promised permission to call on General 
Scammon before I left, the privilege was denied, because, as I 

I believe, Hallowell suspected that I would report the facts. The 

"Palmetto Herald" in its next issue said. "Two Rebel prisoners 
who became unruly were shot but not seriously hurt." The 
sentinel in question fired across the street of "A" and "B" into 
"D." which was guarded by other sentinels. It was past the 
usual time for the prisoners to be in the streets and besides we had 
been ordered by the colonel "to get up early and cook our coffee." 
Why was this order given? As I verily believe, that the negroes 
might have an opportunity to shoot some of us. Having no die- 



^^ 



tionary, I cannot recall words to express my utter detestation of 
this monster. He would violate all of the commandments and 
would weep (if such a fiend can shed tears) that there are no 
other crimes to perpetrate. Hell will only be a complete torment, 
when Hallowell is added to the catalogue of devils. 

At sunrise, the roll was called with great particularity. Our 
baggage was either in our hands or had been sent in a wagon to 
the wharf (by the way. my carpet bag was rifled of some new 
socles, a book and various other articles), and we were imme- 
diately marched out of the pen between long rows of sable soldiers 
down to the wharf. On the way down many of us were insulted, 
because it was the last day of the forty-one during which they 
claimed that, "the bottom rail is now on top." On reaching the 
wharf we found the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh New York, 
Colonel Burm commander, drawn up m line, and in a few minutes 
we were marched on board the schooners under guard of the 
One Hundred and Fifty-seventh New York, thus bidding fare- 
well to the "Nigs" and Morris Island, as we hope, forever. Both 
schooners were towed outside the bar and the sick and favorites 
were placed in a steamer. The One Hundred and Fifty-seventh 
New York not on guard were put on another steamer and, after 
much delay, we hoisted anchor and steered southward, the 
steamers towing the schooners, and a gunboat brmging up the 
rear. We weighed anchor at 3 p. m. 

I have not before mentioned that on the twenty-second of 
September we were all marched from the pen to the wharf and 
out on board two schooners, where we remamed till the evenmg of 
the twenty-third of September. A flag of truce prevailed on the 
twenty-third and (he Yanks said we were put on board to ~ be 
exchanged at once if the commissioners could agree. Whilst on 
the schooners we were guarded by the negroes, and, though it 
was then awfully hot, every place except between decks was a 



'BS??: 



"dead line"; besides four small boafs patrolled around us all 
night long. Whilst cooped up below, sweltering with heat. Cap- 
tain Perkins, of Forest's Cavalry, found an old saw and with it 
and a good knife commenced cutting a hole through the boat near 
the stern, intending to get out on the night of the twenty-third. 
Though assisted by Captain Harman. Captain Jastrinski, Captain 
Hickman, Captain Coffee and Private Dick Adams, they did not 
get through the thick plank before we were ordered to disem- 
bark. They all determined to escap>e if possible, and accordingly 
remained on the boat, hiding in the hole, where it was as dark as 
midnight. Being anchored in lighthouse inlet the distance to 
Folley Island was only one hundred yards, but that island was 
closely picketed between the point and Secessionville, and besides 
the party could not leave the boat till it was dark. Dark came, 
but the boat's crew sat about the hatches for some time, and, 
during this precious time, one roll had been called; as a result 
a guard was double-quicked back to the boat, reaching there just 
in time to meet Perkins coming up the hatchway, naked and pre- 
paring to take the swim. All hands except Coffee, who could not 
be found, soon surrendered, and the guard finally started back, 
supposing he had escaped. After the guard left, the captain of 
the schooner discovered Coffee standmg as large as life among 
the crew, with whom he had mingled unobserved, and whom he 
had assisted in the search for himself. 

Being now on our same old dismasted schooner, with a hole 
almost cut through it, the same party went to work whilst we 
sailed and now have a place large enough to get through; they 
have closed it temporarily, waiting for a convenient season. The 
wind is dead ahead and we only make six miles per hour. It is 
quite cold below deck, and above the sentinels are shivering in 
overcoats. 



r - ^-■/r.^nat-rm.'-/' 



w^ 



n1 



October 22. 1864. 

At daybreak we are in sight of the Georgia shore, and about 
sunrise enter Savannah River; passing Tybee Island, we anchor 
in the southern channel, under the guns of Fort Pulaski. 

The southern wall of the fort, about one hundred yards 
long and arranged for one tier and parapet guns, showed many 
shot holes which entered the brick cutting out about two feet. 
The eastern angle was built new. having been battered down in 
1 862 by the Federals. About eighty shots seem to have struck 
the south and east walls, to the left and right of the new angle. 
The fort IS on a low. marshy island called Cockspur Island. The 
great strength of the fort is m the marshy surroundings and the 
river, though Gilman, who built the fort, reduced it in one day 
with eleven batteries and a few gunboats. It is seventeen miles 
to Savannah and the Confederate lines are six miles distant. I 
saw our flag distinctly this morning. After seeing all to be seen 
I went below and played whist all day. listening occasionally to 
the "wild grape" of the sensationalists about exchange, our quar- 
ters, etc. Being much crowded we are all anxious to get ashore 
except Perkins and company, who are busy making arrangements 
to escape to night, notwithstanding the sentinels have been shiver- 
ing all day in their overcoats. Fhe steamers have been landing 
baggage, the sick and the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh regi- 
ment, all day. and night sets in with many whisperings among 
friends who have determined, or are deciding, to brave the strong 
tide, the cold weather, the marsh, the pickets and the sentinels. 
At 8 p. m. the officer commanding. Captain McWilliams, sent 
for Captain Perkins. Evidently he suspects him, as he demands 
that he shall accept a parole, which Perkins, very properly, has 
refused, unless allowed the liberty of the boat. He was ordered 
to go to his bunk on the middle deck and a sentinel has been 
placed over him. Perkins has attempted to escape six times and 




they know him well. A sergeant and guard with lanterns went 
below and after inspection reported, "All is well," though they 
actually stepped over the hole. The Yankees have evidently 
heard someone speaking of escajse. At 9 p. m. all was quiet 
above, but not so below, for the aisle was actually blocked up with 
passengers by the short line for Dixie. At 1 I :30 p. m. I awoke 
and soon heard the cry, "Man overboard." The deck was in 
great confusion, the Yanks evidently believing that one of the 
guards was the unlucky man. In the meantime the gunboat down 
the river sent out a boat (we have none). The piteous cries for 
help were hushed, for the boat had saved him, and the anguish of 
our guard was ended. Presently a Dutchman cried out to our 
guard, "What you tink. 'twas a 'Reb'." Again he cried out, 
" 'Twas three Rebs," and in a few minutes Captain Coffee, 
Captain Harman and Dick Adams were ushered down nearly 
naked, their few clothes dripping, and as cold, apparently as the 
North Pole. It is the coldest night of the fall, and I am uncom- 
fortable between decks with two blankets. Soon a sergeant and 
guard made another search below and found the hole with Perkins 
at it. just ready to take the plunge; he had escaped from his 
guard during the confusion and thought then was his only time. 
The Yankees guarded the hole the balance of the night, while the 
swimmers' friends rubbed them to get up the circulation, in the 
meantime learning how it happened they had been discovered. 
Harman and Adams both started with too many clothes and 
pulled them off after they started; Dick heard Coffee call for 
Harman and. thinking he was in distress, replied in too loud a 
tone, and then, finding that he was discovered, swam rapidly 
away, breaking himself down, so that he commenced sinking and 
crying for help. In the meantime Coffee, who was as good as 
safe, then turned and wrnt to his assistance and held up his head 
till the boat picked them up. But for this blunder many a "Reb" 

00 




I 



K \ 



Ns'ould have effected a jail delivery during that night and either 
drowned himself in the rapid current of the river, or else died 
from exhaustion and cold in the marsh. An extra good swimmer 
and stout man might have made the trip. 

October 23. 1864. 
Morning clear and cold. At 10 a. m. our old schooner 
was drawn up to the wharf, we disembarked, formed into line, 
marched into the fort, and took our quarters on the north side, 
finding the Morris Island sick and the favorites already quartered 
and in possession of the best places. The fort is a pentagon, 
each side, something like 100 yards long, being built of brick and 
surrounded by a moat of sea water from which the water for use 
is condensed and held in reservoirs under the floors. The walls 
arc just five feet at the portholes, and the supporting columns to 
the arches are five feet square, making one-half the wall ten feet 
thick. This wall is about thirty feet high to the parapet, on 
which at present twenty-six guns are mounted — some Colin Head, 
some Parrotts, some Sea Coil howitzers. There are two guns 
and a mortar near the gate within the drawbridge. We found 
one Parrott gun pointing to sea in our quarters, but this has 
been removed. I should say the fort could mount 200 heavy 
guns. The officers occupy the whole of the south front, except 
the arch and gateway and the engine room for condensing water. 
On the other four sides there are forty-eight casemates, occupied 
at present by ourselves and the guard. Piles of cannon-ball are 
scattered about in the yard, besides broken carriages and eight or 
ten disarmed guns. Two brass howitzers are kept constantly in 
front of the officers* quarters, pointing toward us. About ninety- 
five men arc detailed for guard duty, and in addition a company 
is detached daily and kept under arms in front of our quarters. 
As we found the fort, by concert of action it would be easy to 
capture the guard, or to escape if we could only get off the island. 



-'-^■*---.-t>. 



October 24. 1864. 
A gloomy day. Last night we all slept on the floor and 
many, who had either one or no blanket, suffered with cold. We 
received orders that twenty-six are to occupy each casemate, which 
will crowd us. Under the arch toward the moat ten can sleep. 
Opp>osite these eight more, and above the latter are comfortable 
nooks, fixed up by former occupants with some taste, capable of 
containing eight more. Into these nooks the "sick and favorties" 
have ensconced themselves, whilst we must take the downstairs 
portion, without light and very damp. 

Last night we had tubs brought into our quarters for sinks, 
and though removed this morning they have left a terrible stench. 
Today we were escorted out six at a time to the sink. All this 
day we spent walking around trying to fix up, but the captain 
of the other schooner discharged his crew and they came pouring 
into the casemates this evening, hunting for quarters. Quite a 
number were crowded out and slept "around loose." The tubs 
were brought in again, and at 9 p. m. lights were ordered out 
and many who hunted their way to the tubs could scarcely find 
their way back, their own mess refusmg to answer when called. 
We already begin to feel the effects of the damp, cold walls, 
rendered more damp by the water which is constantly thrown 
about. Many men have no basins and wash in cups, plates and 
tubs. If the doors to the casemates were opened during the day. 
allowing air and sunlight, our sanitary condition would be better, 
but if this were allowed, by a preconcerted signal, we might rush 
out in line of battle, overpower the guard and in a few minutes 
be masters of the fort. Indeed, a few of us are concocting plans 
to take the place, but the great difficulty is to ascertain whether 
we can communicate with Savannah after we have taken it. If 
we cannot, we should be starved out in a few days. 



V 



/ . 



~li 






October 25. 1864. 

Another gloomy morning. Our quarters smell badly and 
there was a great rush to get to the tubs; the latter are placed 
at the door of the lower casemate, which is open. 

We get about seven crackers daily, but they are not good, 
being full of worms, one-third pound of good meat, and one pint 
of soup or rice. At present there are no arrangements for cook- 
ing except two small private stoves. Still, though it is against 
orders to have coffee, we manage to do so by making little stoves 
of fruit cans and cooking the coffee with pine splinters. The 
officer of the day has caught some at this trick and threatened to 
cut off rations if we did not desist, but we hang blankets before 
our stoves and cook away, with a sentinel out for each mess, who 
reports if a Yank is coming, in which case we put out the fire 
with a little water. Because of this the quarters are constantly 
full of smoke. 

Colonel De Gourney. of Louisiana, has been acknowledged 
as our business man. He has conferred frequently with the Yanks, 
and they promise many changes in our favor. Colonel Brown, 
commanding the regiment, is at present at Hilton Head and 
Colonel Carmichael is commander; both of these officers seem to 
be courteous and evince a disposition to make our imprisonment 
as pleasant as possible. 

October 26, 1864. 
Today bunks are being rapidly constructed, four for each 
casement, with three tiers to each bunk, each tier containing two 
men. The tiers are two and one-half feet apart and the bunks 
are three and one-half feet wide, thus giving ample room. Carder 
and self, Garrett and Arrington, Board and Harris, Dalton and 
Mitchell, of the Forty-second Virginia; Captain Wm. Barrier and 
Captain Grove?, of Georgia ; Captain Brown, of Virginia, and 

99 



Lieutenant Batholomew, are nominally in one mess, though we 
separate our rations and my three original companions eat with 
me. During Harris' confinement at hospital. Board, having no 
blanket, sleeps with two others. 

Sinks were constructed today and arrangements made to 
go out-of-doors at night. As a matter of precaution the door 
is closed and we jump out of the window. Lamps have been 
provided and we have them burning all night. 

October 27. 1864. 
The bunks are being completed, and we are beginning to 
have something like order. Though the ration is quite small, and 
our quarters very damp, giving almost every man a cold, yet we 
all feel the effects of a change in the guard. We do not expect 
to be shot or bayoneted hourly; if we have a just complaint it is 
heard. We feel more free and independent, and the danger is 
that the present good treatment may make us forget the past. 

October 28, 1864. 

A bright day for me. We received a mail and at last I got 
letters from home. Three from my wife and one from Winkler 
in the same envelope, but the latest date is August thirty-first. 
However, my mind is relieved, for all are well and besides I learn 
the advent of another little Miss Dickinson into this world, which 
event occurred on the twenty-first day of June. 1864. The 
letter states that the other children call the little one Julia, and 
I have determined to name her Julia Lewis. The news from my 
company is gloomy. Hugh Kelso and John M. Lowry are both 
dead. Two better men have not been sacrificed in this war. My 
letters do not give me information as to Hunter's raid except to 
state that my folks were blessed. 

Colonel De Ganney today went to the sutler's, on parole. 



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fe jsai::saa^'f'iiC--:^ ^mm^L 



bought such articles as we desired and finally made arrangements 
for one man from each division to act as sutler, going out to the 
sutler's twice in each week. My name is suggested for my 
division, as I was the chairman of the committee on rules and 
orders for our regulation. 

October 29, 1864. 
Today I went to sutlery with about sixty-five dollars to 
buy articles for my division, spending the whole evening outside 
the fort, on parole, and getting as much as I could eat and drink 
m the shape of cakes, ale, sherry, etc. My purchases seemed to 
please the division. 

October 30, 1864. 
This day was observed by us, though we had no preaching. 
The One Hundred and Fifty-seventh were forced to go to church 
and the parson laid his bible on the table covered with the flag of 
the United States. This "old flag" is always sticking out with a 
^ ank. 1 he parson advocated compulsory attendance at church. 
1 his is straining discipline too far. Our guard seem determined 
not to let us catch them napping. During church one company 
faced us with arms in hands, even during prayers. 

October 31.1 864. 
Our guard still improving everything with a view to our com- 
fort, or security. The crackers, however, are just as indifferent 
as they can be, full of worms and bugs; we have plenty, such as 
they are, and a promise of soft bread tomorrow. Hands are at 
work today placing wooden bars across the door of the casemate; 
other hands are placing iron gratings over the port holes, making 
our side of the quarters appear like a prison indeed. 



November 1. 1864. 
Today soft bread, warm and eood. was issued in sufficient 
quantities for moderate eating. I went again to the sutlery today, 
and bought sugar, molasses, coffee, crackers, cakes, indeed a little 
of everything, for the division. The sutler expects a good stock of 
goods, and it is understood there will be no restriction on pur- 
chases. About one-half of the men m my division are purchasers, 
but most of them on a small scale. Colonel Carmichael is very 
particular that the sutler shall sell to us at the same rates he does 
to their regiment, but I feel sure the sutler dodges this order in 
articles on which he can advance with safety. Today, in buying 
a tin cup from a Jew of a clerk, the price asked was twenty cents. 
A private in the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh, standing by. 
told the clerk he was charging me more than he was allowed. 
Some rough words passed and the private whipped the clerk in fine 
style. Of course we didn't interfere, but the sutler insisted on 
twenty cents for the cup, though the private says fifteen cents is 
the price. It is the first time I have seen a Yank fight for Rebels' 
rights. 

November 2. 1 864. 
We are at last. I suppose, organized as well as we shall be. 
though little improvements are being made continually. We are 
required to wash in a particular casemate and all hands are ex- 
pected to keep their casemates neat. Four cooking stoves have 
been put up on which all are able to cook coffee, etc. We have 
the promise of two more stoves, which, as it is now quite cold, w ill 
be very acceptable. 

November 3, 1 864. 
Report current that 8.000 sick prisoners are at Hilton Head, 
and all are carried away with rumors of exchange of all in this 
department. 

102 



."/ 11 



November 4. 1864. 
Went fo sutlery today and had hard day's work buying many 
notions. Got as much sherry, cider and ale as I could drink, and 
plenty of cakes, cheese, apples, etc. 

November 5, 1 864. 
More talk of exchange today and a flag of truce in the 
river. The flag officer called in and delivered many letters to 
quite a number of us. 

November 6, I 864. 
Colonel Brown sent for Colonel De Ganney and the other 
chiefs and said he wished to suggest certain regulations, which he 
hoped we would make, and he would then approve as to the orders 
for prison government. I am not "chief," only a member of a 
committee to draft resolutions, and am sutler under Barnes. 
Colonel De Ganney wrote some rules and called us sutlers, whom 
he calls chiefs, to hear them read. They are wordy, but all hands 
of the chiefs have approved them and Captain Dobbins has taken 
them to copy. 

November 7. 1864. 
I got a letter from home, dated October 1 7th, informing me 
of the death of Lieut. Abner Hatcher and Van West, of my 
company. 

November 8. 1864. 
Went to sutlery again today. Bought boots for ten dollars. 
Returned to find that all the prisoners had been in great excite- 
ment about the orders prepared by Colonel De Ganney, which 
by some mistake were sent to Colonel Brown and approved by 
him before they were presented to the prisoners for their approval. 
Colonel Manning, Colonel Folk and others got up meetings and 




voted down the resolutions because they had not been referred to 
the prisoners, and because of an eighth section, which contains 
a threat that in case of willful failure to obey the regulations the 
officer shall be reported to the Yanks. Several meetings were 
held and many rough things were said. Hearing of the excite- 
ment I called to see Colonel De Ganney together with all the 
chiefs, and learned with surprise that the rules as presented by 
Colonel De Ganney had been sent to Colonel Brown before the 
prisoners had passed upon them. Colonel Brown had actually 
approved them and thus made them, with their objectionable 
features, the law of the prison. I at once felt that Captain 
Barnes, by pushing me forward as a committeeman w^ithout reg- 
ular appointment, had placed me in an awkward predicament. 
My division might very properly say that I had helped to force 
intolerable laws on them though I had no authority from them, 
and I therefore insisted on resigning at once. Immediately all 
of us wrote a note to Colonel Brown, stating that, the rules and 
regulations we had recommended having been condemned by the 
prisoners, we desired not to be considered as members of the com- 
mittee any longer, also asking for the return of our parole. 

This day the United States vote for president. At this 
place there is no voting. The One Hundred and Fifty-seventh 
New York have voted some time since and sent their ballots on. 
I heard two of the privates talking today. One said he wished 
he was at home to vote for McClellan; the other said he tried to 
vote for McClellan but they found how he intended to vote and, 
because he was under twenty-one when he enlisted, told him they 
reckoned he didn't have a vote. Such a farce of an election. 

November 9. I 864. 
At roll call this morning, by candle light. I tendered my 
resignation as sutler (or chief, as Colonel Brown insists on calling 



TT TF 



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mc), and took occasion to explain that I was present when the 
resolutions were read, that the intention I knew was to exclude 
bayonets and Yankees, that it certainly was my intention to refer 
our work to the division, that I had been acting by earnest per- 
suasion of Captain Barnes against my judgment, but that I acted 
for the best, and if there were any to cast insinuations or impute 
improper motives, I wanted them to speak out then and there. I 
had scarcely turned round before a vote of thanks was tendered 
me for the faithful discharge of past duties, and I was elected 
sutler, or man of business, with two dissenting voices out of 103. 
My friends urged me to accept of the reappointment, and, finally. 
I consented to do so. During the day the other divisions acted 
and excluded Colonel De Ganney and Captain Dobbins. In the 
evening the new appointees wrote a note to Colonel Brown offer- 
ing to give their parole for the purp>ose of making purchases, etc., 
and all the others wrote a formal note informing him that they 
had been elected "chiefs." I wrote a memorandum at the bottom 
of the note, stating that another gentleman is chief of my division 
and that I am only agent. 

November 10, 1864. 
Today Lieutenant Handley, myself and others endeavored to 
raise a small fund to buy clothes and some food for Mr., or 
Lieutenant, or Captain Fitzgerald, a poor, old, opium-eating, 
lousy inebriate, who has seen better days. He is a graduate of 
West Point, but has sunk in the scale till he is an object of great 
pity. He has no blankets, no shirt, pants filthy and worn out, is 
sick and cries out to every man who passes him to give him opium. 
We raised a small fund. Lieutenant Hassie's subscription to the 
fund was $4.00; Captain Bailey's. $1.00, and Lieutenant Hand- 
ley's, 25c. and I am disbursing agent. I gave Lieutenant Handley 
$5.00 to buy pants. I wrote to Colonel Ould to exchange him 






\\'^'^-'-^^-^1f^^f^-^-j^W^ 









specially for some sick man and Colonel Brown has written to the 
Federal authorities urging his case upon their attention. Poor old 
"Fitz" is so filthy and lousy they won't receive him in the hos- 
pital. A number of men daily report that they have pains in their 
bowels that they may get opium for old Fitz. 

Flag of truce today. I got letter dated fifteenth of Octo- 
ber, from sister Mary. News of Butler's removal. Capture of 
Decatur, transfer of Scammon to Florida, and the capture of five 
vessels at Delaware Breakwater by the glorious old "Tallahassee." 
Colonel Brown wrote Major Goldsboro and his associates that 
he had received a note informing him of their appointment as 
"chief," stated that he had adopted the rules framed by the former 
committee, and desired to know whether they would co-operate 
with him in executing these orders. Trouble again. Golds- 
boro wanted me to say that I was chief and would co-operate in 
executing the objectionable orders. I refused and told him Barnes 
was chief. Barnes, as chief, refused to do so and so did Major 
Nelson and Captain Hammock, so we are equally divided on the 
question. Many are talking on the subject and night has over- 
taken us with the matter unsettled. In the meantime none of us 
can go to the sutler's, because of which many want us to succumb; 
others say they will not yield a principle for the sake of a sutler. 
We had an extra roll call at 9 o'clock last night and it is to con- 
tinue as an order. Four roll calls per day in a fort where, if we 
were spiders, we could hardly crawl out. 

I have been sick for several days with diarrhoea and scurvy, 
but going about. Many have the scurvy. I am taking too much 
''oium, but also eat onions to cure the scurvy. 

Wrote my father today that I would draw on him at sight 
if I could, as I am out of money. Indeed, I am now four dollars 
in debt, but hope to raise it soon. Weather very warm. Some 
rain. Confederates firing today. 



'* 'ufc™. 



November I 1, 1864. 
A sudden change in the weather last night; blankets in 
demand, and many officers in bed to keep warm. The "New 
^ork" (Major Mulford's exchange boat) steamed past here today, 
which looks like exchange of somebody. The Yanks change the 
time and number of roll calls again. We have three now, at 
daylight, 1 2 o'clock noon and sunset. Spittoons were brought in 
today and we hope to keep the floors cleaner. A string of reso- 
lutions were prepared by Colonel Manning and presented to all 
the divisions, defining the powers of chiefs, and stating their 
opinions on the late resolutions of the committee. Major Golds- 
boro of First division. Captain Hams of the Second, and Cap- 
tam Lowe of the Sixth agreed to co-operate with the Federal 
authorities and were allowed to go to the sutlery. They bought 
lots of goods; the other three divisions can buy nothing. When 
the resolutions were presented today the First, Third, Fourth and 
Fifth voted in favor of them, the Second tabled them and the 
Sixth presented in lieu of them a proposition to appoint six men 
to confer with all parties and adjust. As Major Goldsboro 
was absent, his division did not ask him to resign, but they ex- 
pressed great dissatisfaction at his course. So we go. A little 
squall has drifted us from our bearings, and so many have com- 
mand of the vessel that we cannot agree upon the right course. 

November 12, 1864. 
Still quite cold, but clear. I have dysentery and scurvy and 
am taking opium and sour drops. I should say that there are 100 
cases of scurvy. The authorities today closed down on us by 
placing sentinels at the doors and allowing only twenty-five out at 
a time; at night they allow only eight to go to the sinks. As a 
consequence, the door is crowded with applicants. Many of the 






men have spent the day in bed to keep warm. It is hard indeed 
to spend a day in the cold, dark, damp, gloomy prison. The four 
stoves only warm the few who can get around them. They gave 
us crackers and some miserable rice soup today. 

Lieutenant Birney, of the Forty-ninth Georgia Infantry, died 
at the hospital last night and was buried today. Three of our num- 
ber attended his remains to the grave. A military escort was 
furnished by the Yanks and he was decently interred in the Con- 
federate graveyard, just at the northwest corner of the fort. 

November 1 3. 1 864. 

Again a cold morning, so cold that many of us played sicker 
than we were to stay in bed to keep warm. Those who have no 
blankets, or one only, do the best they can. I cannot see how 
they exist in this damp, cold place. The Yanks have the usual 
Sunday inspection, and the ceremony is performed with much care. 
Everything looks clean and neat, and the soldier looking neatest 
and having the best arms is either detailed as orderly or as super- 
numerary. Preaching for the Yanks in the center of the fort; 
instead of singing, the full brass band furnished the music. The 
sermon was a very short one. At 3 o'clock we had a prayer meet- 
ing of our own, the first service since we left Fort Delaware on the 
twenty-third of August. We will not listen to a prayer for old 
"Abe." 

The list of scurvy cases has increased wonderfully. Fully 
one-half of us now have the disease and today the senior surgeon 
told the as-^istant surgeon to get to work with anti-scorbulus. 

Two days ago, Lieut. Geo. B. Fitzgerald (called by us 
simply "Fitz" and believed by us to be simply a citizen or at most 
a private) was taken to the hospital, and this morning announce- 
ment was made that, "Fitz is dead." He was a confirmed opium 
eater; a poor, miserable wreck — ragged, filthy, lousy, loathed by 

108 



/ar- — M -v ' *r- 



all. and pitied by many, who reported sick that they might get 
opium for him. He has had no blanket, no socks, hardly clothes 
to cover him; none of us could supply him, and he slept alone, 
covering himself with an old piece of tent fly. It was known that 
he was threatened with pneumonia, but the doctor didn't want 
him at the hospital and wouldn't take him till Lieutenant Findley, 
myself and others repeatedly insisted. Upon inquiring I find that 
he was found dead m his bed this morning. Might not a coroner's 
jury say that he died from neglect? Poor man! Once he had 
all the comforts wealth could give him. A graduate of West 
Point ; a lieutenant in the old army, mingling with the Lees, 
McClellands and Grants; married to Miss Bowden of Norfolk; 
boloved by many who admired him for h:s learning and accom- 
plishments. Today Lieutenant-Colonel Christian, Lieutenant 
Findley, myself and two other officers attended his remains to the 
grave, because he was a Southern man. for we knew him only as 
"Fitz" and he had no friends. The Yanks gave us a military 
escort and buried him decently. Will any of his former friends — 
even his wife — visit the spot where is entombed the remains of one 
who, 

"The rod of empire might have swayed 
Or waked to ecstasy the living lyre"? 

Tonight we heard a rumor from a sentinel that we are to be 
exchanged this week, and all are astir. The sick are being 
exchanged daily in the river one-half mile distant. Today we 
learned from Lieutenant Howard and others, who have just re- 
turned from the hospital, that the sick cannot get their clothes 
washed without the cash, and that several have had no change of 
clothes for two weeks. We made up a subscription of nine dollars 
which I took out to them, and which was received joyfully. The 
fare at the hospital is miserable and hurries the men back to this 
cold place. 

10!) 



'^^ 



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November 14, 1864. 

Another very cold morning and we had to shiver or lie in 
bed. The Yanks brought us no wood for our four little stoves 
yesterday. 'Tis said that the exchange officers were busy all last 
night, and have exchanged 4,000; as many are on litters it is 
tedious. We still have rumors that we are to be exchanged in a 
few days, and it is added that we are to be paroled for sixty 
days. Unnecessary, as three-fourths of us have scurvy and the 
balance diarrhoea and rheumatism; this cold place, I verily be- 
lieve, will exchange many of us in a few weeks. After what we 
have endured, old Abe's Christian people need not talk of South- 
ern prisoners. 

Tlie Yanks seemed extra cautious today, permitting only a 
few to sun and warm themselves, whilst the balance of us walked 
and shivered in our dungeon. The First division had a meetmg 
and voted Major Goldsboro's place as chief vacant, electing 
Captain Diggs in his place. The three consenting divisions all 
sent their chiefs to the sutlery; the others got no supplies except 
regular rations — soup made of corn meal poured in the beef water. 

We have had a regular faro bank and several vantoon tables 
for some time, and crowds hang around them. One dollar is the 
limit, I believe. Gambling is a great propensity with most pris- 
oners and many will risk their last cent, probably advanced by 
some friend as charity. 

Wrote a letter today to Mrs. G. B. Fitzgerald informing her 
of the death of her husband, sending it care of Mrs. Ada Edger- 
ton, Baltimore. 

November 15, 1864. 

Weather moderated considerably last night. Today we had 
more speaking in Division 1 , resulting finally in Major Goldsboro 
signing the now resolutions; thus yielding, he was re-elected chief. 




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Rumors of exchange are still rampant. Lieutenant-Colonel De 
Ganney went out to the hospital. 

Spent the day reading the novel "Self-Sacrificed." 

November 16, 1864. 

Another pleasant morning. Several boats in the river. Major 
Place, the provost marshal, gave notice that none but chiefs of 
divisions will hereafter be permitted to go to the sutlery. Our 
chief. Captain Barnes (who says he is unfitted to buy goods), 
called a meeting and resigned. The division elected me chief, 
with the understanding that Barnes should attend to commissaries 
and details whilst I should go to the sutlery. Division 5 also 
had a meeting and threw Captain Munn overboard, electing Cap- 
tain Hammock as chief in his stead. We all signed a paper 
professing a willingness to begin our parole whilst out of the fort, 
and thus the great prison difficulty is. I suppose, settled. 

Some females visited the fort today and took a look at the 
"Rebs." As our sink is in full view, of course they see that, too. 
The colonel had the band out for their edification, and also sounded 
the alarm to show them how quickly his men and officers rally. 
This is all well done. but. if we chose to take this place, the rally 
would be about one minute after the fort was ours. However, 
if we take the place what shall we do with it? The land bat- 
teries can batter it down in six hours or storm us out in a few days. 
We can't get away. 

Today they are putting up iron grates at each end of our 
quarters to prevent us from surprising the Yanks at night. They 
evidently suspect us and keep almost in line of battle hourly. If 
we once despair of exchange they had better look out. We will 
not stay in prison four long, dreary years, and old Abe's re-election 
means that. 

Ill 



T T"""""?^^ 



November 1 7. 1 864. 

Weather still pleasant. Plenty of grape about exchange, but 
no news or letters. The Yanks place another small piece of 
artillery in front of our quarters. Their men are constantly on 
the alert. They allow only twenty-five of us out at once though 
the order says forty, and at night only eight. As a consequence a 
long string of men stand at the door waiting their time to get out. 
I found forty-nine waiting and went to bed, getting up at II 
o'clock. The Yanks have been all day constructing the grates. 
They are placed one at each end. and one in the angle in the 
center, thus shutting off one-half of us from the other unless we 
get out of doors and go around. The officers meet at the grates 
and laugh over the vain fears of the Yankees. This grating will 
add no strength to the Yanks and mny throw them off their guard, 
when we may burn through with acids, charge and take the fort. 
The fort can be taken and without loss. If we ever take the place 
and expose the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh to the fire of the 
land batteries, would the batteries open on us> If not, might 
we not hold on till the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh began to 
starve and then surrender on condition that we march through to 
Dixie, leaving the fort in the hands of the Yanks. Or might we 
not control the vessels under the fort, receive aid from Savannah 
and hold the place? TTiese views have been urged by me to a 
few friends, who say that the scheme is Utopian. If prisoners 
would pull together we could go out. I learned that Colonel 
Baker of North Carolina remarked today that if anyone was known 
by him to try to take the fort he would tell on him. and this was 
said in the presence of a sentinel. 

Today some fellow has set up a chuck-a-luck table so that 
we have gambling in style now. They say one firm won $200 in 
greenbacks yesterday. Goldsboro and Harris and I. owe went 



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to sullery today, bought a quantity of flour, and biscuit and pies 
are plenty. The cooks sell little pies rapidly at twenty-five cents. 

November 18. 1864. 

Bright and early this morning I went to the sutler's shop 
with Captain Hammock and Major Wilson; I carried out eight 
papers of smoking tobacco for my mess. Sold "Scarfiletti" at 
forty-five cents, the "Chanticler" at forty cents and "Hyco" at 
thirty-five cents. I engaged for sale of ninety-six papers for my 
division, and tried to have about 400 papers common tobacco 
(black) sent through via Savannah. All the prisoners have about 
3,500 good and bad; some divisions have unfortunately divided 
theirs, putting loo many parties in market. I tried to engage at 
eighty cents for my division, but failed and did not sell. The 
^ anks go to their death for "Navy" and give as much for the 
one-quarter black plugs as for the best Lynchburg tobacco. The 
navy officers whom I met at the sutlery constantly asked me if the 
fine chewing tobacco which I exhibit is the best smoking tobacco? 
I sold one (who did not chew) a plug today. 

My division, having been sometime excluded from sutlery. 
sent considerable bills today, over one hundred dollars in all. 
Following are some of my purchases: 

28 lbs. coffee, adulterated, 70c; 

250 lbs. flour at $10.00 per hundred; 

40 lbs. sugar at 35c and 40c; 

5 quires paper, 35c; envelopes, 25c; 

Candles, 60c; black tea, $2.00; 

Condensed milk. 65c; 

Cheese. 40c ; 

Butter. 75c; 

Crackers, 35c; 

Cakes. 40c. 

lis 



^^^^if 






I was nearly all day filling the multitude of little bills, and 
on reaching our quarters found a rush to get the articles. Assisted 
by my mess. I worked faithfully in issuing and weighing out little 
parcels till 9 p. m. and was too tired to sleep. 

Major Mulford came up today and I saw his boat arrive 
with white flag. This evening the "grape" is that Captam Howard, 
of Baltimore, has talked with Mulford, who says he has orders 
to exchange, but that General Foster has not yet received the 
orders and does not thmk that he is justified in making the delivery. 
This news is important ; Howard is a fellow prisoner and yet we 
cannot actually find out whether the news is reliable. 

I met Colonel Carmichael at the sutlery, and in course of 
conversation I spoke of the hardships of this prison and the 
unnecessary restrictions, ridiculed his precautions to keep us fast. 
I frankly told him that as yet there was no plot to take the fort, 
and therefore we were surprised at their daily vigilance. He 
pleaded ignorance of the restrictions as to the number allowed to 
go out, and pledged me that he would correct it at once. He 
said he had no idea that we intended to try to take the fort, and 
that he relied solely on the honor and discipline of the men. He 
also slated that the stringent orders emanated from Hilton Head. 
Returning to our quarters, I found the dreaded grate removed, but 
no other changes — nothing done to give us health. Carmichael 
seemed surprised when I told him that at least 250 of us were 
unfit for duty, sick with diarrhoea, etc. His surgeon reports about 
an average of thirty sick. We know this damp place, with no 
sunlight, no exercise, insufficient food, will kill many of us. but 
what are our opinions? 

November 19, 1864. 
I finished weighing and dividing out most of the sutler's stores 
this morning, and tried to settle my accounts whilst dozens were 

114 






*~^'^'^ *"*"*■ UIARY OF CAPT ' /nr. I , 



talking lo me. I find that I have again lost a little and shall be 
behind hand some seven dollars, including sugar, coffee, etc., for 
my mess and $5.60 in dandelion, yeast, etc., for Henry Board, 
who IS gomg to speculate in beer. There are half a dozen com 
beer establishments, but Henry expects to outsell all with his 
superior article. 

My mess had biscuits this morning, and Peter Dalton and 
Mitchell have gone into the pie business. 

At noon we were startled by an order to fall in line. Out 
of our quarters a roll of 200 officers, chosen I suppKJse by lot, 
was called, and they were ordered to get ready to leave in half 
an hour. There was one of the prison scenes, settling debts, 
dodging creditors, dividing partnership articles, rolling up plunder, 
swapping chances of exchange, selling furniture, quizzing and bid- 
ding goodbye, etc.. etc. I managed to settle with all who were 
to leave, though parties were constantly changing their names and 
trading off. I saw one man. Lieutenant Brinkley, unable to buy 
a chance for a long time because he couldn't remember the as- 
sumed name of the man whose chance to get to Morris Island he 
bought. But in two hours the 200 were called out and parted in 
sorrow from many friends and messmates. John Arrington and 
Peter Dalton go from my mess; they couldn't give away their 
chance of exchange. Captain Lewis gave away his chance and 
stays. Colonel Manning, Lieutenant-Colonel Christian. Major 
Emanuel. Captain Moon. Allen, Frazer, Bailey and many other 
friends bade farewell and soon we saw them on a boat and on 
their way to Hilton Head. The fact is the surgeon's report 
showed that there were loo few square inches for so many men. 
The crowd was too great even for "Rebs," and General Foster 
has ordered 200 to Hilton Head, where they are to be guarded 
by the One Hundred and Twenty-seventh New York regiment. 

115 



^■«^"^^- 



r 



I expect they will do well in their new quarters and tonight we 
have some room to turn around. 

I must not omit to mention that yesterday Captain Fitzpatrick 
and Captain Lewis, now opposite me, had a fight and are still at 
enmity. Nor should I forget to add that lice are getting too fre- 
quent. I got mercurial ointment today, which I shall use in small 
quantities, because the Yanks won't furnish us with boilers to scald 
our clothes. All have been washing in cold water since August 1 . 

November 20. 1 864. 

Raining since 9 p. m. yesterday and rained hard all day; 
we felt gloomy. No preaching for the Yanks. As to us poor 
devils, no opportunities have been afforded for meeting since we 
left Fort Delaware in August. We got some papers from the 
South today, giving news of Forest taking gunboats, stores, etc., 
in Kentucky. The "Palmetto Herald" contains the usual sen- 
sational articles. 

I had a long private talk with Captain Chambers, who has 
always been favored by the authorities, and expects a special ex- 
change in two or three days. He told me that Mulford intended to 
exchange us ten days since, but Foster declined to give us up 
without a direct order, which he is now expecting; that Foster 
approved General Harder's proposition of exchange and expects 
its early return, approved by "Old Abe." So we may expect 
to go home in a week or two at the most. He tells me that the 
200 were sent to the point opposite Hilton Head, where they 
will stay in "A" tents. Removed to give room for the Yankee 
recruits to the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh, they being already 
much crowded. It seems Colonel Baker's remark about taking the 
fort caused correspondence on the part of Colonel Manning. 
Colonel Folk. Captain Fitzhugh and others, who actually were 
concocting a plan to take the fort. An explanation satisfactory 



m. 



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to all was reached, and Colonel Baker was justified in what he 
did say. I talked to Carmichael about their groundless fears, and 
Captain Chambers infers from a talk with the Colonel that my 
object was to lull his suspicions. I am misjudged by him, but 
I suppose it makes no odds. At any rate, the cat is now out of 
the wallet. Well, better so. for I learn that after dark the Yanks 
turn three pieces located on the parapet on us and a company is 
always near them ready to resist us. This makes the place much 
stronger at night than most of us believed. 

November 21. 1864. 

Raining hard again this morning, and those of us with dys- 
entery (and I am one) had a time of it last night. 

This morning Major Place issued an order for three of 
Major Goldsboro's casemates to be evacuated, and Major Golds- 
boro asked him at once to move and crowd down all the other 
divisions so that he might retain his organization. Though we 
resisted this in person it was granted, and a written order required 
nearly 300 of us to evacuate and give Major Goldsboro's crowd 
room. At once I prepared a letter, signed by chiefs of 2. 3. 4 
and 5 and earnestly protesting against the movement, and sent it 
to Colonel Brown; some of the "favorites" went to him in person. 
I he John Row, a full-blooded Yankee, wouldn't wait for Colonel 
Brown to act, and peremptorily ordered me to have my division 
moved. We had some rough words, and whilst he was mustering 
around, trying to enforce the order on an excited crowd, the officer 
of the day gave me a verbal order not to move. The sergeant 
presently repeated his order and I fold him I would not obey it, 
whereupon he said he would report me. I told him to report and 
be d — d. Colonel Carmichael soon came in and said, "If one 
hen is driven off her nest, she has no reason to drive off four or 
five," and ordered Major Goldsboro to distribute his division 

117 



^ 



IhT^: 






M 



where he could among the other divisions, which important move 
has been going on all day. They say now that they will reor- 
ganize into four divisions instead of six. Major Goldsboro came 
in for a good share of abuse about Place's order. I never saw 
so much excitement in prison. The Yanks saw that the very devil 
was to pay. 

Cleared off at 9 p. m. Wind from the North Pole and get- 
ting cold very rapidly. 

November 22. 1864. 
But little sleep last night. Many officers have but one 
blanket. Some have none, and all such got up in the night and 
built a (ire out of old boxes and pieces of wood, to sit by. This 
is said by Southern officers to be the cold day long to be remem- 
bered. Ice in barrels, puddles, etc., one inch thick; the wind 
howling furiously; the Yankees furnish us no wood and some of 
us lie in bed while others trot about to keep warm. The wind 
broke the rope of the flag staff, and the "old flag" no longer flaps 
over us. I went to sutlery today and bought $1 15.00 worth of 
goods for the division, principally flour, apples, onions, turnips and 
other things to eat. Onions, I Oc per pound; turnips, 8c per 
pound. By hard work bought a United States blanket for $3.50. 
Carder and myself now have one thin and three good blankets. 
I drew a draft for fifty dollars on John Graham Blackford, in 
favor of R. A. Bell, the sutler, for which Bell gave me due bill 
payable in goods. Sold the tobacco of my division to Bell at 
70 cents for boxes. 68 cents for bulk and 60 cents for loose — 
four hundred and eighty-four and one-quarter pounds at $332.27. 
He paid me in due bills payable in goods, and I determined to 
deliver at once if the Yanks would allow me. I was engaged all 
day long, but could not get my goods in. Came in and found no 



:\\\~^^r^\V\\\\\v 



— r-*^ -r-^ i- 



fire, and the weather was very cold, with ice on the puddles. 
There was no wood and I went to bed with feet frozen and slept 
badly. 

November 23. 1864. 
Went to the sutler's this morning to get my goods, but was 
hurried back — too many officers being there. Delivered them and 
found the sutler had cheated me on candles, cheese, etc., with bad 
weights. Spent the day delivering goods and settling tobacco and 
sutler accounts, and haven't succeeded yet. It is still very cold, 
though the wind is not blowing. The Yanks tried to get their 
flag up about I 00 feet, one-half of which is real slick climbing. 
All who tried to climb failed. 

November 24, 1864. 

During the night Board's beer barrel, near my bed. became 
so full of gas that he and Dave got up to fix it. When they 
pulled the plug out the gas. beer and all flew in every direction 
with a terrible noise, wettmg a number of us. frightening some and 
amusing others who witnessed the repeated efforts of Board and 
Dave to stop the hole. After a long time quiet was restored, 
and Dave contented himself with the reflection that his beer was 
fully advertised, and so it seems, for it sells well today. It is 
made of molasses, water and a preparation of dandelion, with 
yeast to work it. It tastes somewhat like sarsaparilla. and Board 
makes all believe that it is a Virginia recipe. The contest between 
he and Lieutenant Jones, of Second division, m beer, apples, pies 
and notions is waxing warm. Dave. Carder. Board and. I think. 
Mitchell all work together, and are busy; they say they will live 
on the start I have given them. 

Today was Thanksgiving day among the Yanks and no duty, 
but they seemed dt'termined to get the flag afloat. A reward of 

1 1:. 



twenty dollars and fifty days off duty was offered; finally a ser- 
geant won the reward, but his feet bled and he became no 
benumbed that he was compelled to lie the rope around his arm. 

Yesterday the Yanks arranged for us to do our own cook- 
ing in prison hereafter and sent us in ten days' rations of all but 
bread, which they still furnish. They furnish us one-quarter 
pound bacon, pork or beef, but our cooks manage to make better 
soup by far than the Yanks. Major Jones acts as commissary 
for all and we are trying to have system in cooking, etc. 

Still very cold and but little wood. Enough to make but 
two fires per day. 

November 25. 1864. 

Still cold. We heard reports today that Sherman has taken 
Macon, and that there actually was cannonading at Savannah last 
night. Beast Butler's appomtment as secretary of war was com- 
municated and the Yanks tell us about his damnable purpose to 
survey and sell out our lands if we do not go back into the 
embrace of our persecutors by the eighth of January next. Well, 
others may go. I shan't. Brazil, Patagonia, Iceland or Hell is 
better than association with such a race. I say, "Enemies in 
war, in peace enemies still." 

We learned today that all money, boxes, letters, etc., sent 
here for us have been sent back to the North, and many of us 
are sorely disappointed. I looked for both clothes and money. 

I went to sullery today for my division. Bell was gone and I 
bought but few goods — only fifty-six dollars' worth and all day at 
it, one of the clerks showing an indisposition to trade with us ^\•ho 
make our payment in tobacco bills. I gave him some plain talk 
and felt disposed to mount him. Got back at dark and found 
mess had saved mc a good pie, some elegant beef soup, etc. 

12U 



.1 'iVJL-V. 



MA'JW'4ki' 



.'^T'/. 



'.^' — , ^ ^t L. -..^fc -^f/nr^^'M ■'[■ 



''VJ 



n 



Delivered my goods, tired to death. Bought candy, pens, oranges, 
etc., for Board and company. 

November 26. 1864. 

Weather again mild and pleasant. The authorities inform 
us that all bo.xes and money letters have been sent back North and 
that none will be allowed to receive anything from any source till 
our government gives receipts for boxes sent to Yankee prisoners. 

I delivered tobacco, including the smoking tobacco, to all my 
division and spent the day settling up. Finally (owing to difficulty 
making change) gave my small due bills, in all about $1 18.00. 
and took in sutler's large bills. 

Exchange news unfavorable. Bill of fare today, turnips, 
soup, pie, biscuits and butter, tea. 

November 27, 1864. 

Weather pleasant. Usual inspection of troops and prison. 
^ ankee meeting with brass band instead of singing; all stood in 
the area with arms in hand. Violated Sabbath by settling up 
Board & Co.'s concern. They owe me $15.95, but have made 
$23.50 clear during the ten days and are now able to live. Also 
settled up mess account and find it owes me $29.65. I also made 
a balance sheet of my sutler's operations and find, having settled 
with all by giving little due bills. I have $50.68. Some who 
owe me seem disinclined to pay. Adjutant Coalter. but he is 
here under the name of Geo. Miller, has been promised a special 
exchange. Wrote J. F. Johnson and Winkler today. Bill of 
fare for breakfast, onions and elegant toast; dinner, burnt soup, 
light bread and pudding; supper, tea and toast. 

Took orders for the sutlery this evening, having learned 
that he had a new stock on hand. 



S—i 



—""--:'^"^^^' -- 



November 28, 1864. 

Mitchell of the Forty-second regiment, having rather worn 
out, arrangements were macle today by which Lieut. Wm. Hatcher, 
of Bedford, takes his place in our mess. We now have Bed- 
fordites exclusively in our mess, and will also take Harris when 
he comes back from the hospital. All hands except myself are 
partners in a "beer and notion stand," within a few feet of our 
bunk and are very energetic ; especially so is Zeke, who from 
morning till night hangs to his notions, and sells and trades, his 
good humor at night being the best evidence of his profits. Carder 
makes pies and cakes, and Hatcher, taking Mitchell's place as 
cook, is to cook them. They sell pies at 40 cents which cost 
fully 15 cents and a barrel of apples bought at $15.00 is sold at 
5 cents per apple, clearing fully $10.00 I should say. The beer 
per barrel costs, dandelion, 60 cents; molasses, say $2.50; yeast, 
20 cents: it sells for 5 cents per pint. Adding lots of water and 
but little of the ingredients a barrel never gives out. The making 
I found out at the sutlery and advised Board to experiment on it; 
it is a secret known to the whole Yankee nation. The Yanks have 
plenty of their own outside and never drink Board's, hence the 
secret does not leak out. Captain Jones, Granby and others have 
tasted it and swear it is common "corn beer, " flavored with sar- 
saparilla. They have tried to buy the sarsaparilla. but there is 
none and Board has the credit of manufacturing a Virginia beer, 
according to his own recipe. 

This morning six deserters came to the ^'anks. and three 
days since several others; one of whom is a lieutenant walking 
about (beyond the "dead line") as large as life. On making 
the usual application to go to the sutlery Major Wilson and my- 
self were at first refused and then allowed to go, with the under- 
standing that we were to return at 1 2 o'clock noon. Getting out- 
side all was bustle and it was soon evident that part of our guard 



OIARY Of CAPT. H. C 



was preparing for an expedition which I was not to see. I found 
that a boatload of troops came up from HiUon Head today, and 
soon after 1 2 o'clock about three companies, under Colonel Car- 
michael, marched out of the fort, fully equipped for service. 
Colonel Carmichael's wife landed here from New York today and 
we saw her and Mrs. Barnes waving their handkerchiefs to the 
Yanks as they left about 2 o'clock. It is supposed that they go 
piloted by the lieutenant deserter (already in blue) to cut the 
Charleston and Savannah railroad; we hope they will come back 
with some dead and wounded. 

I bought in two hours $155.00 worth of goods, including a 
barrel of potatoes at $8.00; onions, $12.00; apples. $15.00; 
three pairs of boots at $10.00, one pair being for myself, in lieu 
of a pair bought some time ago, too small and cut besides by the 
maker. Maple sugar cost $1.15 per lb.; raisins, $2.40 per 
quarter; filberts, 40 cents; sugar, 40 cents; coffee, 90 cents, 
etc. By guaranteeing payment, got a bill cashed for Lewis for 
$25.00. Board's bill today was $33.15 for the concern, besides 
$12.00 for himself. Ten days since he was worth about $3.00. 
Received potatoes and sold them at 6 cents per pound, making 
50 cents. Captain Harris sells them at 9 cents. Zeke is well 
pleased with his candy, cakes, raisins, filberts, sugar, etc., especially 
his apples. He is out of yeast, however, and much troubled as 
the sutler has none and he fears he can make no more beer. 

November 29. 1 864. 
Today we had good potatoes with plenty of soup for dinner. 
At breakfast, onions, good bread, butter and tea. The Yanks 
pay a very minute part of the expense of my mess. Sent a draft 
of Henry Fry's on Mr. Paul to the sutler and got it cashed, mak- 
ing Henry look as bright as if he were in Dixie. Bell knows 
neither the drawer or payer on these drafts, but takes them on 









i!::n 



\ k Y OH CAPT H C I < 



my say so. Henry Board, who hns been ill with something like 
flux for a day or two. is quite sick today. Lieut. Calhoun Easter- 
lain, who was thick with negroes at Morris Island, though he hails 
from South Carolina, has been gloomy and awfully sad for a 
week. He is as mad as a March hare, and thinks some of us 
have made a plot to kill him. He and Captain Batchelor were 
both taken to the hospital. I understand that Easterlain's de- 
rangement is caused by the death of a brother and the loss of 
some negroes. 

Gambling is going on at a high rate in prison. Faro, poker 
and vantoon tables are all around and well attended. Vermin are 
about the prison in abundance, there being no way to heat water 
with which to kill them. I wash often and use a little mercurial 
ointment, but the animals will get on me. Men sit on the barrels 
or on their bunks and kill lice and nits by the hour. 

November 30. 1864. 
Five years ago today I stood by the deathbed of my mother. 
How much and how often have I felt her loss. My earliest and 
my best friend, once almost my all. Yet should I not rather 
rejoice that she has passed away from the terrible scenes and 
apprehensions of these years. What Southern woman does not 
feel life to be almost a burden, when she lives in daily expectation 
of learning of the loss of a brother, son or husband? How many 
noble females have Lincoln and his minions rendered desolate for 
life? How many seats by the fireside are vacant? How many 
familiar faces are seen no more? How many languish in hos- 
pitals or hobble on the streets? How many are dying in the 
Northern dens? How many are sleeping on the field of battle? 
How many widows and orphans will there be? How much pov- 
erty and crime? How much ignorance? How has civilization 




M.^ 



^1 ' 1 *, 11. 

, DIARY OF C 


tH r-y-" o- * « -" 


^ — •* -^ •««■ 



even turned back in her career? One word from Lincoln and 
his man Seward would have averted all this. 

1 his month is closing with as little prospect of exchange as 
ever. All the talk has died away. None of us now hope. We 
once were very confident that our misery would end this month; 
now we are preparing to spend the winter here, every mess getting 
little traps to render themselves comfortable. Many still have 
scurvy, though the vegetables we have been able to buy have 
improved us in that respect. Many have dysentery and some will 
die, but it must be admitted that, all in all, we are at present 
favored as prisoners. We draw or buy as much as we want to 
eat. The weather is not generally cold, and the best of all is that 
we have but little to do with the Yankee. He doesn't rub against 
us here. 

Mess account of Board, Carder, Garret and myself in ac- 
count with H. C. Dickinson, November 27th, 1864: 

To amount of account due per settlement, $29.65. 

One-fourth Dickinson's $7.41^ 

One-fourth due by De Garret 7.41^ 

One-fourth due by Carder 7.41^ 

One-fourth due by Board 7.41 J 

By agreement, November 27th, 1864. 

Wm. Hatcher pays the mess $1.65 and becomes a part of 
it. but responsible only for his part of obligations. 

HENRY BOARD. 

By cash, November 23 $ 1 .05 

By interests of four in chewing tobacco. . . . 10.00 

By amount due bill, November 24th 1.00 

By amount due bill, November 24th 7.00 

126 



^'^ ^- 






By amount cash. November 26th 5.00 

By due bill returned with credit 7.50 

By balance 13.95 

To amount bill, November 18. 1864 5.70 

To amount bill, November 23 I 1.85 

To amount sutler's due bill, November 26th. . 1 5.00 

To bill of 26th 10.00 

To error 3.35 

November 26, 1864: 

To amount due on settlement $13.95 

November 18th to bill today 33.35 

To bill today 27.18 

To two candles 1 .20 

To three candles on commission 1.80 

November 30. 1864. 

By sum in cash $30. 34 

December I. 1864: 

By cash and bills $37.55 

By order of Captain Lewis 1.35 

By washing account .25 

Balance to new book 7.79 

l^oaned Captain Baker. Div. Morris Island. $ 1.00 
Lx)aned Major Johnson, First Mississippi Cav- 
alry 5.00 

Loaned Capl. C. J. Lewis 2.50 

Loaned Capt. Henry Board 2.50 

Loaned Lieut. John Harris 2.00 

Loaned Lieut. Wm. Hatcher 2.50 

Received of Major Johnson through Captain Mitchell, No- 
vember 26. 1864. $2.73; Captain Lewis, November 30, 1864, 
$2.50. 

126 



TTJj axww- 



FORT DELAWARE. DEL. 

(To the Tune of "Louisiana Low Lands.") 

Come listen to my ditty, 'twill while away a minute, 
And if I didn't think so I neber would begin it. 
'Tis about a life in prison, so forward bend your heads 
And I'll tell in a minute how dey treat de poor Confeds- 

In de prison of Fort Delaware, 
In de prison of Fort Del. 

Dey put you in the barracks, the barracks in divisions, 
And then they lect a captin who bosses de provisions; 
He keeps the money letters, keeps order in de room 
And hollers like do debil when you upset a spittoon. 



Whoeber takes the oath, they put him near the pribby, 
Den work him like the debil, worse than in the Libby ; 
Den they stop him up in blankets, throw snufT in his eyes. 
And parole him on the island, and dey call him galvanize. 

Some officers do washing, and many make de fires 
So hot on a sunny day dat ebery one expires; 
Some working gutta percha. some walking in de yard. 
And many of de gentry lib by turning of de card. 

Dere's tailors here and shoemakers, some French and Latin 

teachers. 
Some scratching at the tiger while others am a preaching; 
Some are cooking up dere rations and some are swapping clothes 
While a crowd of Hilton Headers are giving " nigger shows." 

!27 



/ 



.ySTT^ 



Dere's another lot of fellows, and cunning dogs dey are; 
Dey get an empty barrel and set 'em up a bar. 
Dey get some ginger and 'lasses (de whiskey am too dear). 
And mix it with potato skins and den dey call it beer. 

Where de galvanized were quartered dere libs a jolly crew- 
Dere are colonels and majors and a general or two. 
Des big bugs hab some privilege — dey hab a private yard- 
Dey go just where dey chooses, 'cept outside de guard. 

But no matter what you're doin', one ting am very sartin. 
That ebery one am ready from prison to be startin' ; 
Dis wery sad reflexion makes eberybody griebe 
Not a single debil when he's gwine to leave. 

Now. white folks, here's a moral — Dar's nuffin true below; 
Dis world am but a tater patch, de debil has de hoe. 
Eberyone has trouble here, you may go near and far. 
But the most unlucky debil am de prisoner of war. 
In de prison of Fort Delaware, etc. 




128 



\\ W, 



LV^J^ 



ARY or CAI 



■i)^ r 



Fort l\ilaski, Cicor^ia 

December 1, 1864. 

Today went out of the fort to buy articles for my division; 
found the ^'anks much excited about the movements of Sherman 
and the troops which left here and Hihon Head on the twenty- 
eighth inst. They report that Sherman has taken Milledgeville, 
scattered the legislature, whipped the militia (under Cobb), and 
at last accounts was within seventy-five miles of Savannah. This, 
they say, is from intelligent deserters. The news from Hilton 
Head is that the troops which left here and Hilton Head have 
taken the Coosahatchie Bridge between Charleston and Savannah, 
having fought for it all day yesterday; that three regiments were 
all we could spare to defend it and that we are evacuating Savan- 
nah. Colonel Christian writes that Colonel Hallowell and his 
negroes of the Fifty-fourth Massachusetts were in the expedition; 
God grant they were, as I expect all hands back with "fleas in 
their ears." Whilst out today I had occasion to slip away from 
the sutlery shop and was halted and brought in the fort. The 
authorities seem to think our parole is worthless, as they now 
require us to be guarded in and out. The other agents and chiefs 
overrule me in the opinion that self-respect requires us to decline 
to accept such a parole. I bought today 260 lbs. of flour, I 
barrel of potatoes, I barrel of apples, 10 lbs. of candles, 23 lbs. 
of sugar, 4 lbs. of coffee, I doz. pairs of socks, 8 cans of milk, 
10 plates, 14 lbs. of butter, etc., amounting in all to $130.00. 
Drank some good cider and ate plenty of cheese, cakes, etc. 
Some men just from Hilton Head informed me of the escape of 
Colonel Foulk. Captain Perkins, Lieutenant Kilmartin and Cap- 
tain Brinklcy, a day or two since, and all but Brinkley had been 
caught. Returning to the fort. Barnes told me that Sergeant 



.MMz 



J^OC 



Rowe. who calls the roll, had a talk with him today and snid that 
this division must turn me out and elect him (Barnes) or some- 
body else as chief, that I was contentious and self-willed and that 
he and Major Place didn't like me. This sergeant (when I 
defeated his effort to remove everybody in prison to accommodate 
a few men of Major Goldsboro's division) then said to an officer 
that he would make that man Dickinson repent his acts, and this 
is the way he is trying to bring me to repentance. Well. Old 
Abe didn't give me my commission and we will see if Sergeant 
Rowe takes it away. I'll watch him. and if he goes an inch loo 
far he may have to face the music. 

December 2, 1864. 

At an early hour this morning we saw three wounded men 
brought into the fort and soon the fact leaked out that this regi- 
ment at least had gotten a flea in its car at the Bridge fight. The 
Yanks are very reticent, yet they admit that at last accounts they 
were pushing their way to the Bridge, but had thirty officers and 
men of this regiment wounded, out of some 1 20 who went. 
Captain McWilliams (the scoundrel who made us drink hot water 
on the "Crescent") is wounded — some say badly, others slightly. 
Lieutenant Grant mortally wounded, and three other officers 
wounded. They say they fought all day on the thirtieth and 
were fighting yesterday when the wounded left. If Hallowell 
and his negroes were in the muss we shall be gratified. The 
only consolation the Yanks have is that deserters now report that 
Sherman is within thirty-seven miles of Savannah. They talk in 
knots, refuse to let even the usual sergeants come in prison tonight, 
and beyond doubt have been whipped. 

Busy all day settling up sutlery accounts. Board & Co. 
squared up tonight and have a good stock on hand. I have taken 
in nearly all my due bills and hope to have less trouble in the 



TT. 1^ 



JL / f i I / III// :..■'.. / /r^*-:-^ — .^ -.ti '.v^ ■. ^J>-^rr— : • - \ \ -..^ . -. 



future. Some officers imprudently said today, in presence of the 
sentinels, that they hoped the Coosahatchie expedition would suffer, 
etc.. whereupon the Yanks issued an order to shoot any prisoner 
who thus insuhs them. 

December 3, 1864. 
The weather continues very mild and pleasant, with heavy 
fogs of mornings. I can sleep almost without blankets. Water 
has given out in cisterns at my end of the prison. A general 
cleaning up of two upper divisions today. I hope they may get 
rid of some of the lice. Mosquitoes continue to annoy us, not- 
withstanding the late cold snap. We get moderate rations issued 
to us. but through the sutlery we are living better than at any 
previous time. Board & Co. and Jones & Co. have on hand a 
barrel of molasses, three barrels of apples, grapes (Isabella), 
sugar, herring, onions, potatoes, nuts, candies, gingerbread, sweet 
cakes, beer, etc., and many of us never think of touching the 
rations issued. I have four cooks detailed for my division, who, 
while the wood lasts, cook pies, puddings, soups, cakes, coffee, 
etc. Under my bed is flour, butter, coffee, sugar, meal, potatoes, 
onions, tea. chocolate, etc.. enough to last a month. The Yanks 
generally let us alone and we let them alone. Many spend the 
days and nights till taps in gambling; others abuse the Yanks; 
others spend their time in picking lice; others cook and eat and 
others again grumble over their hard fate. Literature is at a ter- 
rible discount. No books or papers can be bought, and the stock 
on hand is very small. A few are studying French or mathe- 
matics, but only a few. I have tried to settle up all my bills today 
and have cancelled all but $3.09 of my little currency, but some 
men will not settle their accounts. I am lucky that I have lost 
nothing yet. \X'e have tried to find the result of military operations 
of Sherman and Foster, and have partially succeeded. The 

131 



,..., 



.rii^t>- 



^'anks admit that Foster suffered a disaster, retreating, they say, 
with a loss of 500 killed and wounded, besides prisoners. They 
say that General Early is after them with 40,000 troops; that our 
troops ambushed a part of their force and set fire to the sedge 
and, under cover of the sm.oke. Ranked them. The five companies 
of this regiment lost five officers and fifty men killed and wounded. 
They say that Baker and Cobb are in Savannah with 40,000 
militia and that Sherman is hard pushed. We received a Dixie 
mail today (no letter for me), from which we learn that the 
Andersonville prisoners are in Savannah, that a part of Early's 
troops are in Augusta, and that, though the country west of 
Augusta was cut off from Savannah between the thirteenth and 
twenty-fourth of November, communication is now open. Sher- 
man will strike for Darien and Port Royal and we think in either 
case must fight not far from Savannah. God grant that he may 
be overwhelmed. Tonight the Yanks issued two circulars, one 
stating the embargo on money letters and boxes is withdrawn and 
that we can write for either. Colonel Brown is evidently sus- 
picious of the future action of his government, however, as he will 
neither persuade us to send nor dissuade u.'^ from sending for 
articles. The other circular invites us to church tomorrow and 
says we may cross the dead line in a body for th:\t purpose. 

December 4, I 864. 
Much talk this morning as to whether it would be proper 
to attend church, some saying we would be insulted by their 
prayers, others arguing that the prayers would be made so as not 
to be distasteful to Southern ears. I thought the latter and was 
one of the seventy-five who attended. My little interview with 
the preacher (Presbyterian) induced me to believe that he would 
not preach politics. The prayer asked for victory over our enemies, 
blessings on our president and all other rulers and generals and 



i t £ L.J// . . /^-^' JU-— :^..' '■'<^: : -^ ■ \^7 -7r— " -. : -V ' ^ ^ \ N ' 



for a "united land. " Some, who were reverently standing, sat 
down when this was uttered, and I felt like leaving, but, being 
under i?uard. couldn't without kicking up a row, so like an old 
Virginian. I went to whittling. Not one petition for us who were 
insulted, though we outnumbered all the armed and other Yanks 
by at least twenty-five. I he sermon was preached to the Yanks 
and had one virtue — it was short. I he text was "What advan- 
tageth a man if he gain the whole world and lose." etc. From this 
text the preacher of God's word deduced political conclusions, and 
fully compared the rebellion against his government to the rebel- 
lion of the sinner against the Most High. I his puppy is, I expect, 
the best type of a Northern Christian! f hey hate the govern- 
ment and the bible; all else must bend to centralized power and 
abolitionism. Of course we all felt insulted and left not in a good 
humor, and all who are men will in future decline invitations to 
church. Before we left the ground Colonel Brown took occasion 
to speak fully of his desire to accommodate us with facilities in 
getting money, boxes, etc., and I believe he is sincere. He spoke 
of offers made by some to write to their Dixie friends to help any 
of his regiment captured in the late fight. Said none were cap- 
tured, but that a number were killed and wounded, including 
McWillian-.s. slightly, and Grant, mortally. Said he desired that 
we should be more cleanly in prison and if he slopped some of 
our privileges we might attribute the act to disobedience of his 
orders on the subject of cleanliness. I felt the imputation was 
uncalled for, and publicly replied that neatness could not be ex- 
pected when no facilities were furnished for heating water to kill 
vermin. Lousy men will not sweep floors. He replied in exten- 
uation that he was doing his best to increase the supply of wood, 
and so the conference ended. At dinner today we had potato 
soup and canned corn. Yankee meal soup not touched. I wrote 
letters today to Charles Halley, Mrs. Ada Edgerton and my little 



Mary. I propose to go to sutlery tomorrow, and am readmg a 
work on language and elocution, but can only read a few mmutes 
without interruption. 

December 5, 1 864. 

About I o'clock last night, when most of us were asleep, 
a squad of five Yankee officers, armed with swords, a lantern and 
one pistol in hand, came through our quarters; they searched 
under bunks, behind barrels, etc., and, after much annoyance to 
us. for which they heard many a rough remark, left, apparently 
without finding the mare's nest. I went with Major Wilson to 
sutlery and bought a bill of goods of $98.00, including four 
hats at $5.00 each. The Yanks evidently much excited about 
military movements; they say that, "Sherman was withm four 
miles of Savannah last night" ; that but a brigade is defending 
the place, but that they are entrenched at the Coosahatchie Bridge; 
that they captured 400 prisoners in the late fight, and that our 
day of retribution has already commenced. Whilst out some 
heavy guns were fired in the direction of Savannah, but within 
sight, and I really believe Bell & Co. thought Sherman had come. 
I tried to quiet them but could not. Two deserters came in today 
and, I suppose, brought the usual amount of falsehoods. The 
Yanks are extremely gullible and seem to get nothing better than 
deserting tales. This evening, to our surprise. Major Mulford's 
exchange boat touched at this wharf and he came in and issued 
orders to Lieutenant-Colonel De Ganney, Major Branch, Capt. 
Geo. Howard, Captain Fitzhugh and Lieutenants Branch and 
Busby to get ready at once for special exchange, which they soon 
accomplished and marched out as happy as lords. In their present 
condition all together. I suppose, would not make a good soldier. 
Lieutenant-Colonel De Ganney. a good man and soldier, is sorely 
afflicted with heart disease. Fitzhugh was captured during the 



A .ZJt ■ ^ ,. UJj i 



■iJlJJUIIIL ". 



First Maryland campaign, just as he had made up his company; 
he has never been in action or even commissioned. We fear this 
special exchange bodes no good to the rest of us, and yet I am 
hof)eful because Mulford is still here. When Sherman's men all 
go up we will get through. Sergeant Rowe wondered how I got 
out to the sutlery and intimated to Captain Henderson that he 
would not let me out. He seems determined to persecute poor me. 
Bought $30.50 for Board & Co.. which they paid. Bought for 
mess, $5.55; we are living too high. Tonight it leaks out that 
Mulford expects to come back and exchange others; all are in 
high spirits. 

December 6. I 864. 
The news, or rather the "grape" (for we reach our con- 
clusions from expressions dropped by the Yanks) continues cheery 
as to exchange. They say to some individuals. "You will go, 
too. this week." and intimate that Mulford will return here before 
Saturday. I am satisfied Colonel Baker, Major Stuart, Golds- 
boro. Captain Ashton and a few others will go, but some things 
indicate that the body of us will stay. Tonight for the first time 
they took all of our lamps but three dim ones out after taps, 
leaving us in almost darkness. A sergeant, whom they say is 
"on the Abolition order," came in and very rudely ordered us to 
quit talking, accompanying the order with a threat. Colonel 
Brown, I notice, has been overhauling and lecturing his officers 
and the commanding officer, and seems busy improving their dis- 
cipline. He is evidently uneasy lest only five companies may not 
hold us here. 

December 7, 1 864. 
"Grape" continues to pour in today, and men are busy set- 
tling up to go to Dixie. I am. however, satisfied that the exchange 
will only be partial. I received my first letter since I left Fort 






//' 



Delaware, from my kind friend. Mrs. Ada Edgerton, enclosing 
$20.00 and stating that on two occasions she had sent me $10.00 
to Morris Island, and was about starting a box of clothing. I 
replied tonight, also wrote father and wrote wife a four-page 
letter, intending to send them by one of those who may go through. 
Colonel Brown had about fifty blank cartridges fired from the 
heavy guns and again lectured his officers. They step briskly when 
he is about, and all hands fear him. I have been busy making 
a list of the 600. 

December 8, 1 864. 
Went to sutlery today and bought only about forty-five 
dollars' worth, including ten boxes of paper collars at fifty cents. 
Saw a lieutenant wounded in late fight. He said it was a hot 
place; his clothes were shot through in six places, but he would 
give no particulars. Pumped Brown in vain. Got hold of a 
paper today of the 29th ult., but found little news of Sherman. 
We are expectmg his capture daily. The Yanks, I think, are 
fearful of the issue. 1 hey have no news, but as their troops are 
still up Broad River they must be looking for him. Brown 
again had artillery practice with the heavy guns, just over our 
heads, firing about forty shots and annoying us terribly. The 
glass in our windows, when we had glass, was broken, the plas- 
tering was thrown down, etc. 7 onight there is a sudden change 
in the weather — it is quite cold and a northeast wind is blowing. 

December 9, 1 864. 
Notwithstanding the cold and bluster last night. Colonel 
Brown caused the alarm signal to be sounded about 1 I p. m., and 
had the bluejackets up and under arms and on the parade ground. 
He had better quit crying, "Wolf," or the wolf may come some 
day and find them sluggish. We have been talking for several 



-^ ^,1 \!.i \. _v\^ :LA'i 



.-"W^-lH^l^m.:^ jML'^A 



days about the propriety of striking a blow, but nobody pushes 
it. 1 here are but five companies here and very few officers. We 
can take the fort, but what to do with it afterwards is the question. 
The time is now propitious, for all of the troops are too busy 
looking out for Sherman to look out for us, and if we can call 
some more troops here we may help our troops at Broad River. 
It is extremely cold today and a strong northeast wind blows, 
coiiipelhng us to close our windows, so that our quarters are too 
dark to read or write without candles. Many of our number in 
bed. The river is full of whitecaps and overflowing the little 
island, and big waves are dashing against the banks. The sailors 
are having a hard time. We got news of another fight at Coosa- 
hatchie Bridge, resulting, we suppose, in another Dixie victory. 
Colonel Carmichael, commanding the detachment of this regiment, 
had his horse killed and, in falling, broke two of his ribs (they 
say), but I expect a bullet did the work. The flashy adjutant 
of the regiment is missing; if he goes to Andersonville he will 
learn that dress doesn't make the man. They report ten men 
killed and wounded. By this time the One Hundred and Fifty- 
seventh has a small number for duty. We hear nothing of Sher- 
man, but are listening hourly for his cannon. We hope he has 
"gone up." The exchange news is that Mulford has gone North. 
I had apple dumplings for dinner. My mess of five ate 
just twenty. We touch no meat, but are strong on onions and 
potatoes. This fare has cured the scurvy and my diarrhoea is' 
improving. 

December 10, 1864. 

\\ cather changed last night; rain all during today and cold. 

We are housed up closely. I heard for the first time of the death 

of Lieutenant Lane at the hospital on the 7th inst. So careless of 

our fate that the death of one scarcely excites remark. This 

137 




// 



evening we heard artillery in the neighborhood of "Honey Hill," 
as the Yanks style it; expectation is on tiptoe here relative to 
Sherman. The Yanks are evidently uneasy. It turned cold 
enough tonight. 

December II. 1 864. 
A cold morning with rain was ushered in by the booming 
of guns, telling of a real fight ; it continued with some intermission, 
all day. The wind, which blew very hard all night, has some- 
what lulled, though the whitecaps show the mouth of the river to 
be awfully disturbed. It is growing intensely cold tonight. Just 
as we were going to bed, the "rally" was sounded and presently 
the Yanks commenced cheering vociferously. Our breath almost 
suspended action in this manifest declaration of Sherman's success, 
but we soon learned that Howard had only sent couriers through 
reporting himself as near Savannah and meeting little opposition. 
The couriers left before the heavy guns opened this morning. It 
IS bitter cold, many of us have but one blanket, some have none, 
and we sleep but little. The portholes being only partially stopped, 
the cold would be as great inside as out but for the four cooking 
stoves, which we are trying to run with old pieces of barrels and 
boards. 

December 12, 1864. 
Ice in abundance this morning; the wind is still blowing and 
it would be called cold even in old Virginia. We are almost 
without fire and many are trotting up and down the prison to 
keep the blood circulating. We again heard heavy cannonading 
toward Savannah ; the Yanks are evidently cooled down, and we 
somewhat elated. I went to the sutlcry and was closely watched 
by my evil, Sergeant Rowe. I bought a barrel of flour, a barrel 
of potatoes, one-half a barrel of onions, and divers notions. 
Board & Co. bought $22.96. my mess bought $7.65. Bell 



JULJJLz 




T/^--*'-^-- - ;-.M^ .,. -^^IJiL 



had nothing to drink, no papers and no news. I sold out my 
stock and played whist with Hoover as partner; he is the best 
player I ever saw. We got large mail today. I received two 
letters from father, the first since August. One was directed to 
Morris Island. Also got a letter from K. D. Buford, of No- 
vember fifteenth— no news, all well, Reynolds married. Got 
letter from Jno. Ornngton. Exchange "grape" still continues, 
but most of us are despondent, attributing the same to Sherman's 
presence. This evening I visited Lieutenant Hoobury, of Nash- 
ville, whom I have been occasionally helping by giving him some 
little articles. Tonight his messmates came for me hurriedly; 
they seem to think he is dying. He has dysentery, and, while 
the doctor has been appealed to often to take him to the hos- 
pital, he refuses. This doctor is unfeeling and ignorant; poor 
Hoobury lives tonight, but will probably die under the opiate 
treatment. Capt. J. C. Lewis could cure many men here, but 
is not allowed the medicine. Weather still very cold. 

December I 3, 1864. 
Weather not very cold. Cannonading again this morning, 
and quite a fleet came and remained in the mouth of the river. 
An ironclad went up yesterday and the Yanks are evidently look- 
ing out for something from above. Can they expect that we 
will evacuate Savannah, and run out our vessels? We are in high 
spirits, believing that every hour Sherman is detained he loses. 
The Yanks say that Sherman has swung his right wing around 
to Oseban Sound and will escape that way, and that the can- 
nonading has shifted around to the south of Savannah, indicating 
such a move. Admiral Dalgreen came in the fort this evening, 
and just before sunset six guns were fired at stated intervals; evi- 
dently they were signals. This morning I suggested to some 
friends the propriety of forming an association to provide for the 

139 



'Iji. 



I •»! 



wants of our sick and suffering, and Major Zeigler and others 
encouraged me to get it up. I wrote out a constitution and by- 
laws, got a number of friends together and we formed the "Con- 
federate Relief Association." Colonel Fulkerson is president; 
Captain Cantwell, secretary; H. C. Dickinson, treasurer, and 

Major Jones, Major Ziegler, Captain Ake, Captain . 

Captain , are the executive committee. We at once 

went to work and, having looked up all the sick, provided shirts 
and drawers for the needy. I have given all the very sick such 
food as they need from my mess and tomorrow we shall meet and 
collect some money and provide for their wants. Several are 
quite sick and badly clad, poor fellows! Exchange only. I fear, 
will save some, but we are determined to help them all we can. 
Whilst I write tonight (at 8:30 o'clock) two heavy guns 
are being fired from the fort, whether at "Rebs" or as signal guns 
we shall learn tomorrow, perhaps. 

December 14. 1864. 

Today the weather was as balmy as May. The heavy 
cannonading to the left of Savannah continued. We get no 
news though, and as the Yanks are not demonstrative we conclude 
that they have no good news. About 8 p. m. Major Place came 
into our quarters and read out a list, beginning with Major Mc- 
Creary, Captain Barnes, Lieutenant-Colonel Dougherty, and end- 
ing with several sick, making in all about thirty-one officers, 
including all but one at the hospital; he ordered them to get 
ready to leave at once. About 9 p. m. they are ready to start 
to Dixie, leaving us sadder than ever. Adjutant Coulter. Captain 
Crow. Captain Ashton. all friends, and my patient, young Hoo- 
bury. of Nashville (who is a mere shadow), are among the 
lucky ones. I gave Lieutenant Hoobury a letter to my wife, but 
fear he will never live to see her. We learn that all the Beaufort 



777/ 



7. 



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men, about 45, rnd a number from Hilton Head are to go, 
making about M 6 in all. Some of us think this looks well for us, 
others say it look? badly. George Howard writes from Charles- 
ton that we shnll be exchanged at once; an officer connected 
with the exchange bureau says differently. So we go, depressed 
and excited several times each d:iy. The prison is full of "grape." 
I collected $8.00 for the sick and the committee on examination 
found several in great nt^ed of proper food, as well as clothing. 

December 15, 1864. 

Again clear and pleasant, with heavy firing continuing. The 
Yanks stirred up a muss by moving out as many bunks as the 
officers who left would occupy, thus necessitating the formation 
of new messes and much grumbling; the odium of this is thrown 
on the chief, by requiring him to say which bunk shall be moved. 

I went to the sutlery and bought a small bill of $60.00; 
heard plenty of "grape," or. it m.ay be, true news. The Yanks 
look jubilant and say that Sherman was on the admiral's flagship 
yesterday. They said, too. that he took both Fort McAllister 
and Fort Beaulicu with little loss yesterday, and that he is now 
attacking Thunderbolt. Whilst one set was detailing all this 
"grape" an officer came in and said Thunderbolt surrendered 
at 6:30 a. m. Well, we don't believe all this, though it is 
r>ossibIe that Sherman may have surprised or struck the two first 
in the reir. Bell intimates strongly that we shall soon be ex- 
changed, though he is as full as the rest of taking Savannah 
tomorrow. Bah! 

\\ hilst out todiy Lieutenant Jones, of the firm of Jones 
and Dixon, found out Garrett's secret of making beer, at which 
he is much pleased. By order this evening a complete list of 
rank, dnt,\ captains, etc., was made. Vi'hat does it mean? 

Ml 



V"'" 



_:£3S| 



I played whist tonight \Mth Fioover as partner. Beat Fry 
and H. Board badly. 

December 16, 1864. 

Fine weather continued, with but little firing during the 
day, though at intervals heavy guns were heard. "Grape" is 
abundant. Several Yanks confirm the departure of Major Mul- 
ford for Fortress Monroe, and we are despondent on exchange, 
though some argue that as we are much in the way Foster or 
Sherman will send us through. The Yanks insist that Forts 
McAllister and Beaulieu have been taken and this evening they 
say that Thunderbolt "went up" at 12 o'clock noon. They say 
Sherman's force left Atlanta 61,000 strong, and have lost from 
all causes 1 ,400 men, and that he dined yesterday at Hilton 
Head, having sent rations for 60,000 men to Nassau Sound. 
They assert that he has his battery within one and a half miles 
of the Charleston & Savannah railroad and is permitting all cars 
to go in but none to go out, and that the city must capitulate. 
We believe none of this and it leaked out today that nothing 
could be heard from Slocum with two corps. We are awfully 
impatient and all are excited and disturbed by Sherman. 

With Hoover as partner, I played fifty points, not counting 
honors, against Major Borten and Corder; we beat them twenty- 
one. 

December 1 7, 1 864. 

Fair weather and warm. Firing with heavy guns continued 
toward Thunderbolt, or below it. Plenty of "grape," most of 
which is terrible on our cause, though it will leak in that the 
Yanks are not in high spirits. Many of them give us marvelous 
reports of Sherman's triumphant march, bringing through 20,000 
negroes, oceans of mules, etc. They had Thunderbolt captured 
at 1 2 o'clock today, and Savannah must fall tomorrow. One 



\W\ WWvJ 



LLdLi 



^ ank admits that two corps can't be heard from. Colonel Baker 
and Major Goldsboro went out today and learned that, owing 
to wonderful tales of twenty escaped officers from Columbia, we 
are to be restricted to corn meal and molasses, and cut off from 
sutlery. This is probably stuff, but many believe it and are 
buying up all they can to eat. 

For the first time I have had unmistakable indications of 
rheumatism for several days and can scarcely walk. 

December 18, 1864. 
Heaviest fog I ever saw; it lifted around the fort at 12 
o'clock, but continued on Tybee all day. Heavy guns again 
at intervals, some of them toward Coosahatchie. The Yanks 
preached today, but wc didn't attend. We cannot attend church 
without insult. Plenty of "grape" again today, but the Yanks 
are uneasy and our spirits are cheered. I wrote home to R. D. B., 
Joel L., and Mrs. Edgerton. Requested the latter to furnish 
my company at Delaware with some necessaries. My rheumatism 
worse in hips, can hardly walk and am uneasy. Doctor gives 
me Dovers powders, which I throw in spittoon. 

December 19, 1864. 
We had a rumor again today that rations are to be cut 
down and that we are not to be permitted to go to the sutlery. 
I found Lieutenant Campbell at Major Stuart's quarters and 
asked if I could do to the sutlery. He replied, "Yes, as usual." 
A few minutes after. Major Wilson applied to Sergeant Rowe 
for both of us and stated that Campbell had given permission. 
After consultation with Campbell, he returned and said Lieu- 
tenant Campbell had given neither of us permission and said with 
emphasis. "I won't say what else he (Campbell) said." This 
was a double insult to me for I had told Wilson that he (Camp- 



^^li 



>-^^'-'*^" 



r 



bell) did give permission. \X'e at once sat down and wrote notes 
to Campbell. In mine I stated the conversation, and wound up 
by stating that if he did attack my veracity I doubly regretted 
that by reason of imprisonment I am deprived of a certain inalien- 
able right. These notes were started to him as soon as written, 
through the sergeant at the door. Just as we were refused. Major 
Stewart and others were allowed to go to the sutlery and during 
the day more went by favor than at any previous time. I had 
large orders for supplies, under the apprehension that the sutlery 
privileges would close, and was annoyed all day turning them over 
to the lucky ones. 

Firing at intervals all day, extending from Coosahatchie to 
Nassau Sound; no news from Sherman. A supply ship, which 
has been here for some time, went to Ossibaso Sound. Garrett 
sent out and bought two barrels of apples, one of potatoes, one 
of onions, ten pounds of sugar, etc., besides a barrel of flour. 

December 20, I 864. 
This mornmg early Hammock asked to go to the sutlery 
and Campbell told him that myself and Wilson were going today, 
which made me feel satisfied that Campbell had not intended to 
insult us yesterday. However, in a few minutes Campbell had 
received our letters, and all the other chiefs were allowed to go 
out whilst myself and Wilson were summoned to the provost 
office, where Campbell at first entertamed us with divers grimaces, 
but finally tried plain talk. He expressed his great surprise that 
we should have insulted him after his manifold acts of kindness. 
I replied that the msult m my letter was conditional, depending 
upon his previous act. That my letter was short and to the point, 
etc. He said that I misunderstood him in the previous conversa- 
tion. I told him that he did say what I accused him of and that 
I could prove it on him by not one but half a dozen. He ex- 



J 12 L ill^^ /-^: • • — -- -'^:^ -.t^;-.-r. : —^~~^-'.\\.\\. ^. WWx'XW 



plained by saying that lie did say that we could go as usual, but 
did not know that Monday was my usual day. I told him that 
was not my fault and that on his own showing I did have his 
permission. We thus nailed him on this and then asked if he had 
said anything else to Rowe implying reflection on us. He said he 
had not. So. after much talk, he said that Rowe had told him 
a falsehood and it was all a misunderstanding. Wilson said he 
expected Rowe had gotten up the difficulty and that he disliked 
us both. Campbell expressed surprise at this and I told him 
that I had the best proof of Rowe's enmity. I showed that he 
had told Lieutenant King, when Goldsboro's division was moved, 
that he would make me repent of it. Whilst we were thus talking 
Rowe was telling my own mess and others that I thought I was 
going out yesterday, but I didn't. Gellespie said he bragged to 
them that he controlled things in here. Rowe needs watching. 
He is vindictive as old Satan, a full-blooded, mean Yankee. 

Twenty-eight pounds of meat were issued to eighty-four 
men today — they say for ten days. If so, we shall have hard 
times. Heavy firing last night, by calculation twenty-one and 
one-half miles distant; today and tonight almost incessant firing, 
but no news from Sherman. Papers of the twelfth say Franklin 
Fern was a great Confederate victory, that Rosser had a great 
victory on Baltimore & Ohio railroad, and that Sherman is in a 
tight place. 

Played whist with Hoover against Carder and Board, 
beatmg them 35 to 8. 

Cloudy and cold tonight. 

December 21. 1864. 
Firing heavy again this morning and continued until the 
high wind prevented us from hearing much. The day was quite 
cold and windy, and many said it was a very long one. At 



• r"\-rvr-u"i ri-^ - /» * , , m*-^ * -- ' " 






^ 



sunset there were unmistakable signs that the ^'anks had good 
news. Presently the band began to play, three cheers were 
given and they soon brought us news that Savannah had fallen. 
They say a captain is the bearer of the news, that the city fell 
at 5 o'clock this morning, and that the captain walked through 
the streets. We still can't believe this. It seems preposterous. 
If true, Beauregard certamly is no longer himself. I have had 
rheumatism in my left side, right leg and arm all the week and 
can hardly get about. XX'hilst writing I breathe with great dif- 
ficulty. 

December 22, 1864. 
This morning it was bitter cold and the wind blew hard; 
had but little sleep last night. It was mine and Major Wilson's 
usual day to go to the sutlery, and though we suspect the provost 
office is down on us, we notified them formally that we were ready 
to make our purchases. In two hours after I had gone to bed 
to keep warm. Sergeant Rowe served a written notice on us that 
our "privilege of going to the sutlery is hereby revoked and 
that 'our' divisions will proceed to elect new chiefs." This is 
certainly a bold game; we do not hold our offices under the 
Yanks and might very properly resist such an order, but it might 
prejudice the whole divisions, so we determined to let the order 
be carried out. I called my division together at 1 2 o'clock and 
told them the history of the controversy ; though I could see Yanks 
dodging about, and though Rowe was in prison, I failed not to 
show him up properly. I asked only that I might know by their 
action whether this act was their will. A resolution was then 
offered, and unanimously carried, to the effect that a new election 
was submitted to only from policy, and that their thanks were 
due me for the faithful manner in which I had discharged all my 
duties as chief. It was most difficult to get any one to take the 



jtii j^,.. / jM-_ _— - — -.^^ , :-\.i*k^j^.jk_i_ ^iiTt:^v-«_^j..j v.ii i 1. _ ^:-.»_A.^.^ .V IV. 1..1 



^M-- DIARY or CAPT 



\:I~X1 J*' " • *^~^ ' *-^^^ltil ~^''-i h) ••UIID ■! 



post, but after much persuasion we got Captain Henderson, of 
Louisiana, to act. I hus am I once more free of accounts, collec- 
tions and details, and, better than all, of any immediate contact 
with the hated Yankee. I shall read and study now, if I can get 
the books, which task is the rub. 

We heard but little today about Savannah. The Yanks 
say the city has fallen, but they have made no demonstration 
of delight. Last night we heard an explosion that shook this 
fort for almost a minute, though it was nicely distant; today we 
heard another! The Yanks admit that they got no prisoners and 
some of them say that we still hold some forts, gunboats and 
ranks. 

It has been awfully cold all day and we have had but little 
wood for the four stoves. Just think, you New England philan- 
thropists, of four cooking stoves to quarters 200 yards long; over 
100 windows without glass; the thermometer far below freezing; 
many of us sick, some without a single blanket, many with but 
one; all of us with threadbare clothes; limited to one-fourth 
pound of beef per diem, and prohibited from receiving money, 
clothes, or food from our friends. Will your historians of this 
war admit that such things occurred in the United States? 

December 23, 1864. 

Last night was the cold night, and this morning all of us 
were blue with cold. All who could hovered around the cooking 
stoves, others stopped up all the portholes and windows, so that 
it was very dark, and they went to bed. wrapped up head and 
ears; thus we spent the day. At our stove we got no wood until 
after dark and then a small wheelbarrow half full. We burned 
all the boxes we could and then cooked our soup. The ration of 
beef was so infinitesimally small that we tore it to pieces and made 
the soup quite good. As we could cook no supper for want of 

147 










wood, my mess ate Iwo boxes of sardines which I had been 
saving to carry home to my wife. 

After dark, though it continued very cold. Hoover and 
myself played a game of whist against G. B. Brown and Carder 
and beat them badly — all of us wrapped up in blankets. My 
rheumatism still continues and affects my side, causing apprehen- 
sion that It may attack my heart. No news from Sherman or 
Savannah. 

December 24. 1864. 

Still quite cold, though as the wind was not blowing we 
endured it by constant motion or by wrapping up m our blankets. 
.A good many were allowed to visit the sutlery today, but they 
bought little. 

Colonel Carmichael told Maior Jones that Sherman is 
marching on Charleston. Is it p>ossible that he compelled the 
evacuation of Savannah by detaching troops to threaten Charles- 
ton? If so. we may still make a grand victory of it — if we 
crush his separated forces in detail. 

One year ago today I was pushing through the gap at 
Peaks of Otter, with my home in sight. Then all was health 
and I anticipated the enjoyment of the Christmas. Now I am 
almost in rags, in a cold, damp prison, in constant pain with 
rheumatism. A constitution shattered by exposure, and this Christ- 
mas and how many m.ore I know not to be spent under the 
hated flag, but. whate'er we call a blessing, freedom is the pledge 
of all. I trust we may be able to evince the justice of our cause 
by the many privations we are willing to endure. 

Christmas Day. 1 864. 
And a gloomy one it is. Cold, raining and severe. But 
little money in prison. One-fourth pound of beef, and seven 

1 •■« 



TT/Tl 



^ -^yzg"""^^ "' III in '' 



crackers for rations. Added to this the United States mail came 
this mornmg and brought the late usual amount of bad news. 

At Nashville General Hood has lost 5,000 prisoners on the 
fifld, 1,500 sick and wounded. 1,500 stragglers and forty-nine 
pieces of artillery; his army is scattered and demolished. So 
says General Thomas* official report. Many are down in the 
cellar of despondency today. I feel that I shall spend the next 
Christmas in Dixie. I picked a few vermin this morning, and 
put on clean clothes. For the first time since I was seven years 
old I put on woolen drawers to drive away the rheumatism, which, 
by the way. has almost got the better of me. It dodges about 
from place to place and I hope may some day dodge away. 

Board and Carder's week to cook began to day. They gave 
us onions, biscuit and coffee for breakfast; for dinner we had 
beef soup, and my mess had apple dumplings — twenty for the 
five. Hatchie being a little sick, I ate a whole one and half of his. 
I ought to be ashamed to record this, but I do love dumplings. 
I settled up my accounts and found that I had $5.00 in pocket 
and $56.40 due me by various parties in prison. 

Captain Hammock told us some rich Irish anecdotes this 
evening. I wrote a letter to R. Habusham & Son. Louisiana, 
and to father, sister Mary and wife. Tonight a great light 
showed in the northwest. There must be some evacuation between 
Savannah and Charleston. 

December 26, 1864. 
A day without incidents or "grape," except that Colonel 
Brown has asked to be relieved unless we are better fed. A 
rumor was current, too, that we are soon to be removed to Hilton 
Head. It commenced rainmg hard at 10 o'clock last night and 
drizzled hard all day with heavy fog. Played whist against 
Fousaa and Board tonight and beat them. I still have rheu- 




malism in my side and hip. and walk and breathe with difficulty. 
Many here have rheumatism, several so bad they cannot walk. 
There are a good many cases of dysentery, etc. They bark 
around me at night and I can hardly sleep. This place is awfully 
damp and cold, and is a severe test on weak lungs. No hope 
of exchange, and nearly the whole prison despondent. I look 
for a better day! 

December 27. 1864. 
Waked with many twinges of rheumatism in my hip and 
side, and suffered all day; prison very dull, all rather gloomy. 
The vantoon table closed a few nights since, because Nash, the 
dealer, used marked cards. No betting and but little money. 
I played whist with Hoover against Board and Carder, with 
usual luck. Hatchie quite sick. The Yanks say that Sherman 
sent them a message stating that Hardee sent in a flag proposing 
conditional surrender, which he has declined. 

December 28. I 864. 
Cold, very cold, and we spent the day in efforts to keep 
warm. We rallied around the stove or coiled up in blankets. 
No news from the army. Yesterday's "grap>e" all exploded. 

December 29, 1864. 

Still very cold, men coughing terribly. Yanks signalling 
from the fort. Governor Stone, of Iowa, arrives. Sent for 
Lieutenant Hempstead. Twenty-fifth Virginia, son of ex-governor 
of Iowa, and begged him to take the oath. Brown added his 
persuasions and told him we were to be fed on corn meal and 
pickles. Hempstead nobly refused. 

I am reading Baxter's book on Napoleon the Anti-Christ. 
Wonderfully pleased. 

ISO 



MT-^^mm 







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V \<j , \-: ■ 



December 30. 1864. 

Still very cold. Our society met today to devise some relief 
for the sick, who cannot live on the food issued and besides have 
insufficient covering. Brown promised to do anything he could 
to aid our sick, but when we asked for the loan of blankets he 
referred it to Place, and he to the doctor; he is as well an imp 
of Hfil as Abolitionism, who, finding that those sick had no 
blankets, refused to give us any. Yesterday, today and many 
other days we have besought the doctor to take the sick to the 
hospital, but he continues to give opium for every disease, and is 
totally wanting in sympathy. This evening one man. Lieutenant 
Berger. presented so many symptoms of approaching dissolution 
that the doctor was sent for. At last he sent in for Berger and 
Hatchie and took them to the hospital. Berger will die this 
week. I think, and for his death the doctor is responsible. 

Others here are very sick. too. Have to be carried to the 
sinks, but they are not fit subjects for the hospital. My diarrhoea 
continues and the rheumatic pains in my side almost prevent me 
from breathing. There are many money letters and boxes out- 
side, but. under Foster's orders, we can't get them; there is little 
money in prison that we can get. No subscriptions for the sick. 

December 31.1 864. 
A raw. cold, drizzling day. and one of damp gloom to all. 
1 he threatened ration is at last issued! Ten barrels of corn 
meal — funky, wormy and sour, and two and one-half kegs of 
mean pickles with a little, very little, salt, are ten days' rations 
for 313 men. No meat, no vegetables — nothing but sour meal 
and pickles. And this food for men fully one-half of whom have 
diseased bowels ! Well may we be gloomy, for a few weeks at 
most will terribly thin our ranks. All. however, evince a deter- 
mmation to boar it as long as they can. Arguing the question 






-'•^ -ft-v^. 




of morals with Lewis today, we thought it best to swallow the 
oath whenever we were reduced to such a condition by this treat- 
ment that death must shortly ensue, and then we will go for them. 
Compelled thus to forswear myself, I would let the hellhounds 
of Yankeedom feel that I could stmg. This gloomy day I close 
a sad and suffering year, with no hope of life through another 
unless released, but with the conviction that the Yankee nation 
is one of utter depravity, unfit to mingle with civilized people 
and unworthy of a name on earth. From one man only. General 
Scammon. have I received the kindness and courtesy due a gentle- 
man — and he is the exception. I may not be permitted to live to 
see the close of another year, but, however long or short my life. 
I would spend it in exterminating the race so that my little ones 
may never see such fiends. They have outraged civilization, re- 
ligion, the Bible, humanity, and, as my last curse of this year 
is upon them, so I expect will be the last curse of my life. 

January 2, I 865. 

Yesterday I made no memorandum of passing events because 
it was "the" cold da\) of the winter, which the Yanks celebrated 
by refusing to furnish any wood. All day and all night many 
of us walked to keep up the circulation, or shivered in our scanty 
covering. On Saturday night it commenced turning rapidly cold, 
and on the first morning of the New Year, long icicles were visible 
and the pump (which we now use) was frozen up. It continued 
all day and last night it was still dead cold. Many men slept 
none and look haggard and woebegone. Having a moderate 
share. I slept very badly. How could men endure such a night 
with only one blanket for two, as a number are situated here? 

Our new ration of corn meal (sour), pickles and seventy- 
five loaves of bread went into effect yesterday, and a terrible diet 
it is. That it will kill some is evident. They have plenty of 

152 



m ..-r- .#\\^i 



^ ' d.a ' rv ' q ' p' c" m i^'TiiOT^. 






boxes and money letters in the fort for us, but won't issue them. 
It is said that this cruel order is Foster's only. I should hope 
that the representative man of no nation would issue such an 
order. Our sick at the hospital are fed on bread and water only. 
I took up a subscription for the sick yesterday and received about 
ten dollars, though all of us are very poor. 

January 3, 1865. 
Still cold and quarters very damp. No news. We are 
trying corn meal and pickle and one-fourth of a loaf of bread. 
The government has issued ten barrels of meal and forty kegs 
of pickles and is to issue 1 20 more. We learn through Bell 
that the prisoners at Hilton Head are in the open air and upon 
our diet ; of course, there is much suffering. I am suffering with 
rheumatism in hips. 

January 4, I 865. 

Still cold and gloomy. We have tried in vain today to 
get to our sick at hospital, who are fed on pickle and meal, but 
have been refused, though Captain Knox and Major Ziegler both 
applied. 

Reports are in of Butler's defeat at Wilmington; also, ofTicial 
statement by General Geary of death of President Davis. 

January 5, I 865. 
Cold and cloudy and tonight it rains. I suffered awfully 
last night with my hips, and could scarcely walk today. Carder 
cut wild jea-grass today (a number being p>ermitted to go out 
for that purpMjse) and, though it is green. I hope to sleep better 
on it than hard boards. Captain Issuel got to see his cousin, 
Lieutenant Bergin. at hospital, and we. the committee, sent out 
to the sick one can of milk and one of mutton, three pounds of 



£__^lfc..,^'^^=*r^ 



A<^- 



:ff.. 




sugar and one-fourth pound of lea. He found our sick living 
on our diet and hurriedly visited once per diem by the doctor. 
Poor Bergin is almost gone. 

The prison is terribly dull — no books, no amusements except 
whist, and too cold to sit still. I am thinking about leaving here, 
if I get so I can stand the trip. Captain K. and Captain H. 
are with me. 

January 6, 1 865. 
Still cold and comfortless, and the diet is telling on the 
more delicate. A change in the sentinels has been made, affect- 
mg seriously the plans of some. The corporal, who removed at 
night from the lower door to the upper, now keeps his place, thus 
guarding a loophole which in less than a week might have been 
used. How do the Yanks find out our plans? They must have 
spies among us. We now have no connection with any Yanks 
except Rowe, "the big sergeant," and the "little one," and much 
of our underground work is cut off. 

January 7, 1865. 

Still very cold and damp, and never did 300 patients in 
a whooping-cough hospital cough worse. Many are really sick; 
nearly all are under the weather. My rheumatism continues and 
with it a terrible cold. My messmate Board is today floored 
with acute rheumatism in leg. It is badly swollen and causes 
him much pain. He is utterly helpless, but the doctor won't send 
him to the hospital. 

We heard direct from Colonel Brown that "Butler's exF>e- 
dition to Wilmington failed disastrously." Butler certainly 
doesn't pay as a general. Brown also said that the question of 
exchange is much talked of at the North; that the subject had 
been placed in practical hands, and that a general exchange is 
probable. Well. I'll believe it when I see it. 




»;>< '^">*r*^- i '1^-7 Jt.. itix -:!«.1-Al, .B>t V. MLW ■^A y j 



^iL'Iil-':- -!'- ''tL^iZZZSJY--: 



January 8. 1865. 
We suffered terribly today; the weather was very cold and 
damp, with an east wind. All who can have wrapped up in 
blankets. The coughing and limping continues. No wood was 
furnished us. and as a consequence we shall not be able to cook 
our sour meal tomorrow. Somehow, the supply of wood is 
shortest on cold days. A few men, some three or four messes, 
can still eat meat bought from the sutlery at forty cents. Whilst 
it is being cooked, many a mouth waters. Last night two cats 
were captured and to my surprise were eaten today. I was 
not so fortunate as to eat any of it, as the owners found too 
many just tastmg the cat; it smelt very fine, however, and I know 
I could have "gone for a leg." Another cat was captured today 
and will be cooked when we get wood! Several of us agreed 
tonight that we would take some steps about the wood question 
and, if possible, the doctor, tomorrow, though it is a delicate 
question to tell a Yank his doctor is worthless. It is a fact that 
our doctor is utterly ignorant, or utterly reckless, of his duties. 
Today I called him to see Board. He asked what he had given 
him the day before, said he would send him some medicine and 
hurried off. He has not sent the medicine, thus verifying my 
prediction made at the time. Well, well, well! Do the meek 
and holy Christians of the North think whether or not there may 
not be beams in their eyes, when they are keeping a whole damp 
prison full, of Rebels even, without blankets and fire all the winter, 
and feeding men (with dysentery), whose span of life at most can 
be but a few weeks, on pickle and sour corn meal? 

January 9, I 865. 
Ten more barrels of corn meal were issued, but no pickles. 
So they have even reduced our rations from the present low 






standard. The weather still very cold and damp, and men 
coughing terribly. All complaining of hunger. 

January 10. 1865. 
Still cold and damp, and the men very gloomy. A friend 
caught and gave to me a large boar cat. Burgess, of Louisiana, 
agreed to prepare and cook Tommy on shares and soon had his 
jacket off. finding him very fat. 

January 11,1 865. 

My mess sent to sutlery today and got two codfish at 
twenty cents a pound, also a few potatoes and onions and two 
pounds of grease. Money is so scarce now that this is quite a 
purchase for us. There is no money in camp. 

Burgess roasted the big cat today and we found that hunger 
had removed so many prejudices we, the owners, got a small 
share. I found the ribs and part of the back elegant food, and 
the gravy was splendid sop. 

Cats are now firmly established m our affections, and I long 
to get where either bacon or cats are abundant. Our codfish, 
though mixed with potatoes, would not cook into balls, but my 
mess managed to worry down a whole fish. 

The Yanks. I hear, are expecting Secretary Stanton to pass 
here on his way to Savannah today. 

January 12. 1865. 
Received a letter from father this morning dated December 
sixteenth, and authorizing me to draw when and on what city 
I pleased. Staled that he had sent a check for $50.00 and 
that Mrs. Edgerlon had sent me money and clothes, none of 
which I have received. My rheumatism continues, and with it 
a terrible cough and pain in side. If I can live in this place I 
shall live always outside of the dive. 






DIARY OF CAPT. H C i 



January 19. 1865. 

The days pass so changeless and with so little variety that 
I have determined to record events occasionally. During the 
past week wc have had several cats to eat in prison, though I was 
not lucky enough to be a captor or to be invited. The ration 
continues to be four ounces bread and three fourths of a pint of 
sour meal, without salt, vinegar, vegetables, meat or anything but 
water. All complain among ourselves, but observe silence in the 
presence of the enemy. Very few men have any money and those 
few find it very hard to stand up to Bell's prices — 10 cents for 
onions. 10 cents for potatoes. 14 cents for best flour, 85 cents 
for milk. $1.25 for can of beef and 35 cents for black pickled- 
pork grease. 

Last Monday the Yanks condemned a barrel of green coffee 
and turned it over to us. It smelled awfully, but we scalded it, 
then toasted it and now drink it with avidity. Yesterday I drew 
on Mrs. Edgerton. m favor of R. O. Bell, for $50.00. He 
gave me $10.00 in cash, $5.65 in goods, and will let me trade 
the residue. I still have a little money but fear an embargo, and 
want to keep some always in pocket. I got a can of beef, one 
of chicken, some butler and flour and have certainly had soup 
enough for two days. 

My mess have played out with the beer and seem to be 
totally strapped. We had news yesterday of the fall of Fort 
Fisher, which, though not credited, seems confirmed today. In- 
deed the Yanks say they have Wilmington. Several days since 
they captured Pocotaligo Bridge. A New York man, seen a few 
days since, spoke of 60,000 French immigrants in Mexico, and 
certain visits of R. Smith and McGruder to Maximilian, which 
leads us to hope that France will some day take a hand. God 
send It ! 



157 



../•"• \ 



~i_ 



— T" 



Stanton returned to Washington on Monday, this fort firing 
a salute as he passed. Exchange "grape" is now abundant. The 
papers say that Covode has Lincoln's and Mulford's promise of 
an early resumption of the question and today the provost marshal 
here received an order from Mulford to forward at once an 
accurate roll of all the prisoners. This begins to look like day- 
beak. Place has resigned his office of provost, to Lieutenant 

, whom they say is well behaved ; Rowe, the horror 

and contempt of the prison, continues. We have quite a list of 
sick now, owing to corn meal. Captain King and Captain Eastin. 
two Virginians, seem to have despaired. My cough and rheu- 
matism still continue. Board perfectly crippled up. 

Some enterprising fellows are digging a way to the com- 
missary building; they hope to reach it shortly and make a rich 
haul of bacon. They are cutting through the supporting wall. 

I sent Colonel Christian five dollars in a letter today, writing 
a note to Major Thompson, the provost marshal at Hilton Head, 
at his request. Colonel Christian says they have eaten all the 
cats and one fat puppy. 

February 1. 1865. 

If the old Dutch sign be true wp shall have a rough month, 
for the groundhog saw his shadow today. We have had cold 
weather and as much gloom as ever hung over the same number 
of men for so long a time. Our sick list has increased to a 
terrible extent. Over 100 men are now sick, and scurvv in its 
worst form is among us. 

On the 28th iilt. Lieutenant Bergen, of North Carolina, 
died from dysentery at the hospital : his plac^ at the hospital was 
.•supplied with another, for but nine men arc supposed to be sick 

lo8 



777 ^^ WW. 



^iJH'^'- '<.■'■■ ^T^"-/---^- '• • '• 1^ ■ g-'-^^-?/; '- 



enough to go to there. We hear no rumors of improved diet and 
still have the pickles and sour corn meal. Cats can no longer 
be gotten. None of us have money. Neither money nor clothes 
are allowed to come in. and we are in a deplorable fix. Our 
physician. Doctor Craw, who is believed to be a scoundrel without 

feeling or good sense, is today to be relieved by Doctor , 

who seems to have feeling for us : I hope he will partially alleviate 
our sufferings. I have been sick and in bed for a week, and 
feel like my days are numbered. I suffer with a terrible dys- 
entery and am very weak. My friends are attentive and under 
the new doctor I am trying tea and crackers and other medicines, 
which already make me feel better. 

In closing this book I must express the opinion that no 
prisoners in a civilized country ever received more barbarous treat- 
ment than we have for the last thirty days. 

February 5. 1865. 

My last memorandum of prison life was on February first, 
when I hoped that our ration of corn meal and pickles would be 
changed, but there is no change for the better, except in the 
surgeon who has relieved McCraw. The sick list increases daily, 
and the scurvy sores on the bodies of those around me are terrible 
sights. 

Yesterday Lieutenant Lagg, of the Fiftieth Virginia Infan- 
try, died ; he was buried today. In a few days others must 
follow him. 

February 6. 1865. 
By the suggestion of several friends I procured a list of the 
sick in prison. All data except the classification of diseases is 
correct. A number, who at home or in the army would be con- 
sidered sick, are classed as well. Indeed there are not twenty 



V~ 





men in the whole prison who are able to do military duly ; all are 
poor, shriveled remnants of humanity. 

Whole number of Confederate officers in Fort Pu- 
laski. February 6. 1865 311 

Very sick at hospital 8 

In prison with scurvy 42 

In prison with dysentery 14 

In prison with chronic diarrhoea 23 

In prison with acute rheumatism 6 

In prison with coughs and diseases of throat. . . 43 

In prison with other diseases 20 

Total 156 

Not reported sick. 155. 

Our new surgeon. I think, is trying to do his best, for he 
IS all day disposing of cases which Craw disposed of in two 
hours. He says he never saw so much disease crowded under one 
roof. His attention, coupled with a change of treatment, has 
alreadv improved me, but he admits that my improvement is 
attributable to diet, which I happily get, because I have credit 
in the North. Like me. a few others have some money, but wc 
cannot feed the vast number of sick around us, and Foster won't 
do it. 

February 8. 1865. 

Colonel Brown, whom I think sympathizes with us deeply. 

has managed to turn over to us some condemned vegetables and 

some sago. The latter will make soup for the sick for a week. 

He has also managed to have the sickest men in prison put on 




L'. ^y.' ... .. /jg-j- 



-2^ 







DI^RVnr.^ 'M ^ ^^ 



sick rations. Eight of our sick were carried to a hospital fitted 
up for us. We now have nineteen outside sick and thirty-one 
to whom sick rations are issued. 

February 10. 1865. 
The quartermaster has gone to Hilton Head for rations; 
we learn that we are to have meat from this day, but there is no 
meat here and we still stick to pickles and corn meal. 

February I I. 1865. 
Tonight Colonel Brown sent us 2,500 fish of the mullet 
species and such scaling and frying I never saw. The treat was rel- 
ished by all, and those who. for the first time in forty-two days, 
tasted meat were wild with joy. 

February 12, 1865. 

We have been eating fish and the men all look happy; this 
evening we received the much-coveted pork, one-fourth pound 
per day, with two days' back rations added in. 

A medical director made his appearance with a number of 
subs; we learned that General Foster has been relieved and that 
our situation under Gilmore, his successor, will be much better. 
The medical director declares that our situation is terrible, and 
says he will insist on a more generous diet. 

February 13. 1865. 
Captain Bradford, of the Missouri regiment, died. 

February 14, 1865. 
^^'hilst the friends of Captain Bradford were out burying 
him, Capt. Alex M. King, of the Fiftieth Virginia Infantry, 
died. He and Captain Bradford had been in the hospital since 
the 8th inst. 



Jf^ 




February 15. 1865. 

Our new ration was issued to us today. A party of us. 
mostly Virginians, attended the burial of our friend. Captain 
King; but one Yankee was present — Rowe, our guard. The 
religious services were conducted by Captain Harris of the 
Georgia regiment. This is the seventh man buried by us since 
our arrival ; at least five of them were victims of Yankee cruelty. 
None of them were perhaps equals of Captain King, who, besides 
being a good soldier, possessed rare literary attainments and might 
have been an ornament to south West Virginia. At the hospital 
we saw at least tw^o more of our number who must die. 

This evening it was ascertained that Colonel Brown and his 
regiment are to be relieved at once, by whom it is not known. 
We are terribly anxious lest some negro or other regiment as bad 
should guard us. 

Bell, the sutler, in view of his departure, sent for Goldsboro. 
Griffin and myself and told each of us that we might not have 
any sutler. He said if we wished to buy anything he would credit 
us as far as we wished. He gave us plenty of ale and wine and 
we were quite merry. 

For some time past a friend. L , and myself have been 

planning to leave here. He has waited till I get well enough, 
and for two weeks past we have had many sly interviews and 
made many plans, all of which are more or less defective. Wc 
have H and K with us and on the night of the four- 
teenth we reconnoitered the whole parapet, the rain and wind 
having driven the sentinels from their usual positions. \X'e are 
ready with all traveling material, and each night are looking for 
a chance. There are many difficulties in getting over a fort forty 
feet high with a deep moat in front of it, and severe difficulties in 
escaping to the mainland, twelve miles distant, over marshes 
and across innumerable creeks. 



n 



// 



_ -i.l._>i A . 



J ?J '- X -L- 



February 16, 1865. 
We have news today of the peace conference with Abe at 
Fortress Monroe; of the probable exchange of prisoners, and of 
the fight on Hatcher's Creek. 

February 17, 1865. 

At an early hour this morning the One Hundred and Sev- 
enty-fifth New York Volunteers, part of the nineteen corps com- 
manded by Captain McGuirk, marched into the fort and soon 
relieved Colonel Brown and his regiment. Colonel Brown and 
command have been packing up since yesterday, and the men 
at the upper end of our prison have about sold out. I should 
have stated that on the fifteenth I bought a pair of pants for 
$2.50, and yesterday was summoned by Rowe to appear before 
Colonel Brown. Colonel Brown tried, but ineffectually, to learn 
the name of the soldier who sold the pants. I told him that I 
was mtent on the pants, not the name or face of the owner, and 
could not identify hmi, whereuf>on he dismissed me. 

Our new guards are very rough in appearance, seem to be 
filthy black and of all nations and tongues, but they are old 
soldiers. They seem wanting in exact discipline and are loose 
and lounging. The officers exhibit great curiosity to see and talk 
with us, and already all the rules of Colonel Brown have been 
infringed. Give prisoners an inch and they will take two ells. 

Colonel Brown and his regiment expect to leave tonight and 
some dozen, including Carder and Garrett, conceived the purpose 
to put on the Yankee clothes they have bought and go off with 
the regiment; at a late hour the One Hundred and Seventy-fifth 
discern the plan, put on an additional sentinel and prevent the 
escape. Colonel Brown visited the prison tonight and bade fare- 
well to those whom he saw. He informed us that Brevet Brig- 
adier General Mulineaux would command here for a short time 




probably, and that Lieutenant-Colonel Carmichael would prob- 
ably command us. He told us that application to take us North 
accompanied with a report of our sanitary condition had been 
made to the secretary of war, and that he and others all thought 
we would soon go North and be exchanged, as a general exchange 
was proposed. 

Captain Henderson resigned his position as chief of the 
Third division; he left the casemate on account of the noise, etc. 
On leaving, Rowe took occasion to introduce the new sergeant to 
all of his right-hand men. I was not honored with a farewell 
from any Yank except the surgeon, for whom I acknowledge that 
I had as kind feelings as I ever do for Yankees. 

February 18. 1865. 
Colonel Brown and his regiment left early this morning 
before day. The noise about the fort during the night was very 
different from the usual quiet. At 8 a. m. the One Hundred 
and Seventy-fifth had guard mount; they were fully as awkward 
as conscripts. The old officer of the day was on the wrong side, 
the orderlies were at first in line and dozens of other mistakes 
were made. After much ado, I managed to get a casemate where 
there is more comfort and quiet and today myself and mess all 
moved, bag and baggage, up to Captain Hams' division in an 
interior casemate over a well. VC e have it fixed up with shelves, 
etc.. and the sun shines upon us through the windows for the 
first time in four long months; we would be comfortable but that 
one Captain Cantwell, of North Carolina, insists upon eating in 
our casemate. Death, so frequent in his visits of late, is again 
with us. Lieutenant Rosenbaum. of the Thirty-seventh Virginia, 
has just died. On all of the tombstones of these poor men 
should be inscribed, "Murdered by Major General Foster." We 
heard plenty of "grape" this evening — first, all prisoners cap- 

IG4 




smFM3. 



tured prior to August, 1864, are certain to be exchanged; second, 
that the city of Charleston was evacuated last night! 

February 19. 1865. 

This morning twenty-five of our number applied to attend 
the burial of Lieutenant Rosenbaum. We were guarded as 
closely as if we were being carried to our own execution; none 
but the six pallbearers were allowed to go into the hospital or 
even see the face of the dead. The burial services were con- 
ducted by Captain Carter. Whilst near the hospital I saw Major 
Stewart and Lieutenant Hatcher, who are convalescent. The 
latter gave me a ring for my wife and promised to let me know 
tomorrow whether the boats at the wharf are guarded. He 
slated that he and Major Stewart were thinking of an escape, and 
asked whether a parole of honor could be implied. I replied 
I thought not, but, as both were weak and their escape would 
affect the sick. I advised that neither try it. 

Thirty-six guns were fired in honor of the fall of Charleston, 
which, I suppose, is at last evacuated. We heard decidedly from 
General Muhneaux that some 1 50 prisoners are to be brought 
here, to remain until transportation can be furnished, when all of 
us. he says, will be carried to the North and exchanged. This 
news excited all hands very much. 

February 20. 1865. 
This morning it was ascertained that Major Stewart and 
Lieutenant Hatcher had both escaped from the hospital durmg 
the night and made away in a small rowboat. It seems that the 
Yanks notified them yesterday that they must either act as nurses 
on parole or else go into prison, and this hurried them off. One 
more day and I should have gone with them, if Hatcher had sent 
me the information he promised yesterday. The Yanks have 

IC5 



,-7TT ; . • I . T • • m 



sent the Confederate men into the fort, have taken a Hst of all 
of us. and now call a roll instead of counting us, thus giving 
plenty of opportunity to cheat them. This evening 1 02 privates 
of our army were brought into the fort and placed in quarters 
near us, though separated by iron grate and wooden walls. They 
represent all the states and were sick when Savannah was 
evacuated. 

February 21, 1 865. 
This is my birthday; I am 35 years of age. I was quite 
sick last night with my bowels, but with the aid of opium I am 
better. It is a cold, cheerless day. The Yanks will let us have 
no coal for the buckets in which we make fire, and I went to 
bed to keep warm. Our guards are exceptionally strict about 
calling the roll, let scarcely anybody out to the sutlery, let only 
a limited number go to the sinks and otherwise show that they 
are awfully out of humor about the late escape. Today they 
sent a man in from the hospital who had to be lifted along; 
they feared he would escape. I have finished a long letter to 
father. 

February 22, 1865. 

No celebration of Washington's birthday. The One Hun- 
dred and Seventy-fifth have shown themselves very different guards 
from the One Hundred and Fifty-seventh. They seem terribly 
apprehensive of our escape. They are hauling all the boats to 
one place and seemingly do not trust to the fort. We learn that 
none of the sick at the hospital are allowed anything but bread 
and tea ; some of them sent to me today to raise some money to 
buy food, but there is no money in prison. 

Fry, Hoover, Fannin and others are getting up a grand chess 
club. There are over ninety players, but only thirty-two can 

106 



belong to the club. Any outsider may challenge a member and 
if he beats him four in seven games take his place. I have chal- 
lenged Major Jones. 

February 23, I 865. 
This morning fifteen of the privates in the adjoining prison 
became weak-kneed, took the oath and went North rejoicing in 
their infamy. The Yanks allow none but the chiefs to go to the 
sutlery and limit them to a visit of one hour. They permit only 
two at one time to go to the sinks, and in various ways show 
their fears. Last night an organization of men was formed for 
certain purposes, this much only I can commit to paper. Today 
Hoover played with me agreeing to check me with kings, castles 
and pawns. I beat the game in eight moves. Chess is certainly 
a great rage, and many games are played with great skill. 

February 24. 1865. 

A friend told me that Lieutenant Halibuston, of Missouri, 
has been acting suspiciously and that he entertains a fear he will 
take the oath. The Yanks continue to tighten their rules and 
watch us very closely. Nothing heard yet from Hatcher and 
Stewart. 

February 25. 1865. 

This morning Major Jones was informed that he could not 
go to the sutlery and that hereafter, by order of General Mul- 
ineaux. nothing but vegetables, stationery and tobacco can be 
purchased. Having almost killed us by starvation they are willing 
to see us cured, but we must pay the cost. 

Another poor cripple was sent in from the hospital. 
Although the guard brought him on a litter, the Yanks thought 
he might escape. Major Jones went to the hosp.tal on a visit 
and found Captain Eartham and two others in a dying condition. 

167 




Poor fellows, we shall soon be called to pay the last tribute of 
respect to them. We may write on their tombstones, "Starved in 
prison." 

A "New York Times" received today details the examina- 
tion of Grant on the question of exchange before a committee 
of congress, and his declaration that the Castil is resumed. I read 
the speeches of Benjamin and Sheffey. and several of us discussed 
the question of owning negroes. I oppwDsed it, unless I saw 
greater necessity. 

Tonight the Yanks say they have received a dispatch stating 
that Wilmington is captured with 4.000 prisoners, and that 
Richmond and Petersburg are being evacuated. Many do not 
believe this. I have thought for a long time that wisdom dictated 
the evacuation of Richmond, and especially now when Sherman 
must be whipped. Captain Jones, of Missouri, talked to Lieu- 
tenant Halibuston. who denied that he had taken the oath, but 
admitted that he had talked to the provost marshal on the subject. 
He is notoriously worthless, bearing on his face the evidence of 
his character. 

February 26, 1865. 

Wrote letter home today, asking wife to send my books to 
Alex. Smith. 

Halibuston's case fully argued today. Some for hanging, 
others for riding on a rail, others demanding his expulsion from 
prison, etc. ; we are waiting till Sunday is past. 

Had Episcopal services in my casemate. No. 32. Captain 
Nelson officiating. During the time some men were cooking, 
others washmg. others playmg chess, and others sleepmg. whilst 
the surgeon was giving pills. 

A case of smallpox appeared on the island yesterday and 
the Yanks ordered all of us to be vaccinated. I went through 



PJIJ^,,-?^, 



flic operation. Captain Lowe refused and General Molineaux 
ordered him to be ironed and vaccinated when he submitted. 

February 27. 1865. 

Two hours before day this morning we were wakened by 
hearing several shots, and soon the Yanks came and called the 
roll. Captain Griffin, Captain Kent, Lieutenant Russell, Lieu- 
tenant George, Lieutenant Kendall, Lieutenant Chew, Privates 
Gellespie and Murray all came up missing. Early in January 
they had cut through the walls under nine casements down to 
No. 8 for the purpose of getting commissaries; finding that they 
might escape through the window in No. 8, they had foregone 
the commissary and last night being foggy made the attempt. 
They crossed the moat successfully by wading, but it seems on 
reaching the wharf they were discovered and fired upon by a 
number of sentinels at the water battery. Several guns snapped, 
and, though nobody was hurt, all hands were captured and 
brought to the guardhouse. The roll was again called at day- 
break and sunrise, and the Yankee officers all came in bedraggled 
and muddy. The hole was soon found, of course, and we had 
a stirring morning generally, forgetting entirely the case of Hali- 
buston. The guards in the fort were increased from five to four- 
teen and a large number were placed outside, taking one-half the 
whole regiment. At I I o'clock the artillery in front of our 
quarters was manned and ammunition conspicuously placed near 
it. The half of the regiment not on guard was placed in front 
of us. We were called out of our quarters and a thorough search 
for gunboats, torpedoes, saws, files, ropes, etc.. was made. Many 
pairs of pants and blouses were found, and also about a cartload 
of old irons and notions. Board lost his Yankee pants, but I 
put mine on and still hold to them. During the search the water 
battery fired two shells, I suppose to frighten us. Sentinels, three 







in all, were put in our quarters to walk back and forth, which 
would be excusable if there were no fort and we numbered 3,000 
instead of 300. This evening we saw two of the number who 
attempted to escape under close guard at the guardhouse. Their 
clothes were still wet. and we have learned that they are to remain 
in close confinement. It has been ascertained that Captain Minor, 
who knew of the intended escape, went out in the night to the 
quarters of a Yankee officer and stayed some time, though today 
when I asked him why he, too, didn't go last night he replied that 
they didn't let him know it. 

All applications to go to the sutlery have been refused on 
the ground that while out we gain information which enables us 
to escape. Tonight they permit but two to go to the sinks at 
one time, though they are moved up to the door and a double 
line of sentinels are in front. 

February 28, I 865. 

Last night. Lieutenant Goodlow, of Tennessee, died at the 
hospital. Applications to go to his burial were refused. The 
condition of many in the prison is truly lamentable. They are 
carried about by their friends and the tubs they use as sinks are 
very offensive. 

Today the Lee club commenced publishing a weekly paper, 
to be written and circulated. By request I am a contributor and 
wrote a letter from Hatcher to Zeke detaihng the incidents of 
his escap>e. 

Tonight the provost marshal searched the walls for gunboats 
and torpedos. No regiment ever before showed such a dread of 
300 unarmed and sick men. The general even visited our quar- 
ters at midnight last night to see that all was quiet. Tliree sen- 
tinels constantly walk up and down our quarters and, though 
much in the way, we bear it because we expect to corrupt them 
within a week. They are not allowed to sf>eak to us. 

170 




J^ 



March I. 1865. 
"Grape" in abundance this morning to the effect that we 
are to be exchanged. A small mail came and a few money letters, 
but none for me. 1 he general and his officers all say that we are 
to leave in a day or two for Fortress Monroe to be exchanged, it 
bemg the order of General Grant. Some fifty cripples were 
brought from Savannah this evening and put in adjoining case- 
ments to ours. The Yankees notified us through Colonel Baker 
that all who desired would have a chance to lake the oath. None 
took it today, but the Yanks all say that several will swallow the 
pill. The sutlery clerk. Robie. came in today, but took only a 
few orders. The suspicion is that he will not allow the owners 
of many drafts in his hands for collection to trade them out. 
Cantwell and myself engaged in painting headboards for the 
graves of our thirteen dead. The provost marshal refused to let 
us go out and put them up. We have made application to the 
general. 

March 2. 1865. 
Cloudy and damp, and my rheumatism troubles me. It is 
understood that we will leave m a day or two for exchange. Chir 
guard must be anxious for us to leave ; they are required to do 
duty two nights in succession, sleeping during the day. They 
have fifteen guards at the wharf, where Colonel Brown had none. 

March 3, 1865. 
1 he boat to carry us arrived this morning, and we were 
ordered to cook all of our provisions and be ready to start. 
Brigadier General Grover visited the prison. Bell came back 
established himself in the provost office and sent for those who 
owed him only to settle; those whom he owes on drafts are trying 
in every way to get goods. I owe Bell a small amount and he 






seems indisposed to let it be larger. I am trying hard to buy 
some shirts and some food for the trip. Hoover is gettmg out 
his paj>er. and chess and whist are being played all over prison. 
I made a headboard for the grave of poor old Fitzgerald. To- 
night we had the usual dance at the lower end and for the first 
time I participated. We have plenty of fiddlers in prison and 
some play well. 

March 4. 1865. 

As "Old Abe" enters on his second reign we set sail for 
the happy land, as we hope. The sick went out at an early 
hour and at 9 a. m. we left the fort and boarded the "Ashland." 
My mess broke up a bucket which the Yanks wouldn't let us 
carry, and left our two coffee pots. All the sick and well of our 
party, in all 458, were put between decks and are awfully 
crowded. We started at I I o'clock and soon after Captain 
Halibuston and Covington and Douglas were severally called out 
and went above to join Colonel Baker and Captain Kelly, as 
was supposed to swallow the oath. We jeered and hissed the 
party till we were hoarse and nothing but bayonets prevented us 
from kicking them. The eight men who tried to escape a few 
days since are guarded on the upper deck, where they are exposed 
to a hard rain. Old Fitzpatrick got some whiskey and soon took 
a degree. 

During the passage to Hilton Head it was ascertained that 
Captain Mulvaney. of South Carolina, and Private Gillespie, of 
Texas, had slipped off into the oath-taking crowd, and soon after 
Captains Craft and Minor, of Missouri, followed them. At 
Hilton Head they were joined by Private Adkins, of Kentucky, 
of our crowd, and Lieutenant Foley, of Mississippi, and Cameron, 
of Tennessee, of the Hilton Head crowd. Together with Davis 
and Doyle, of Virginia, who went sometime since, this makes in 



all fourteen who have sold their birthrights for a mess of pottage. 
Some thirty of the privates who embarked with us also took the 
oath. 

Reaching Hilton Head at 3 o'clock, all the officers and 
privates were brought on board our boat and rammed in till they 
could be crammed no longer. As many of us had been seasick, 
the hole was like the "black hole at Calcutta. " The surgeon, 
I understand, protested most strongly and after dark we pulled 
up anchor and fastened on to the steamship "Illinois." one of the 
old vessels formerly in the Aspenwall line, now chartered by the 
Government at $ 1 ,000 per day. She is 290 feet long and has 
three decks We were soon crammed in the forward part of the 
boat, three-fourths of the boat being too good for Rebels. The 
well men were first crowded in and then the sick on top of them, 
and we moved and quarreled till I a. m. 

March 5. 1865. 
This morning we learned that my friend. Captain Bailey, 
of Florida, is dying with pneumonia. We left five at Fort 
Pulaski to die. At I I a. m. we weighed anchor and found the 
sea rather rough. The sick could not get up; nearly all were 
seasick, and as we had no buckets or tubs, our quarters became 
intolerably filthy. 1 he sick relieved their stomachs and bowels in 
the passages through which we walked. The Yankee doctor paid 
no attention to the sick and many of them prayed for death. 

March 6. 1865. 
I he sea quite rough and there was stiff breeze, with a 
threatened storm from northeast all day. At night the vessel 
labored terribly, the waves driving all hands from the upper deck. 
Tonight we passed Hatteras. being in the Gulf Stream, 100 
miles off. 



ll--/ 







/. 



March 7. 1865. 
A beautiful day and a smooth sea. 1 he weather was cold, 
but many of us were on deck. At 9 p. m. we saw the lights 
of Capes Charles and Henry, and at midnight anchored in 
Hampton Roads. 

March 8. 1865. 
Spent the day in great anxiety, awaiting orders. In the 
evening we saw a boatload of our prisoners going up for exchange. 
We weighed anchor at sunset, and, moving up, got aground and 
remained all night. 

March 9. 1865. 
At an early hour we moved up to Norfolk Harbor and 
sp>ent the day. Three or four of our crowd were allowed to go 
ashore under guard, but Major Weymouth, formerly at Point 
Lookout, kicked up a fuss and others who aimed to go were 
prohibited. Some ladies and gentlemen came aboard to see per- 
sonal friends. 

March 10. 1865. 
During the night there was a considerable blow, and a coal- 
boat and tug being alongside we got aground; we loaded coal all 
day and awaited orders. More ladies came aboard and we re- 
ceived intelligence that Johnson has been fighting Sherman suc- 
cessfully. About dark the hint reached the boat that we are not 
to be exchanged. Captain Harris, of Alabama, at once donned 
a Yankee dress, boldly walked up among the coal hands and 
a few minutes afterwards, as the tug left, jumped aboard; how- 
ever, a "galvanized" suspected and then betrayed him. On 
landing at Portsmouth all hands were counted and the captain 
was fairly caught and carried to the town jail, where he stayed 
till 2 p. m. Then, under escort of eight men, ho was reconveyed 

174 



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to ihc boat, and orders were given that he should not come above 
for any purpose. About 1 a. m. we were lowed out to near 
Fort Norfolk, and again cast anchor. Clear and bitter cold, 
though it was awfully hot below and the stench insufferable. One 
man in our midst, who has had smallpox for three days, was 
carried above. Several are in a dying condition. 

March II. 1865. 
Weighed anchor again this morning, and put off for Fort 
Delaware without explanation or apparent reason. What are 
Yankee promises worth? 1 hey know that we now require watch- 
mg and all are crowded down below, two being allowed above 
at once. We who had formed an organization at Pulaski met 
and discussed our situation. Finding that we had only ninety 
tons of coal, the amount the vessel required per diem, and pro- 
visions being scarce, we declined to take the boat, which we 
could have done easily, notwithstanding the two pieces of artillery 
aboard which were loaded in our sight. If we beached the boat, 
all of our sick must at the least suffer terribly; if we tried the 
ocean, our coal was too short to reach a friendly port — so on we 
sailed to Fort Delaware. At sunset Lieutenant Edwards, of 
Norfolk, died in his bunk. 1 hat morning he was at Death's 
very door, and his friends begged that he might be sent ashore, 
but the Yankees were inexorable. Soon after dark I heard 
someone say that Lieutenant Edward? would be buried at sea, but 
as we were sailing in sight of land and must reach Delaware 
Breakwater before midnight, I believed it to be an idle rumor. 
At 9 o'clock, though. I found out that he was really being buried. 
Captain Harris, who usually reads the burial service for us, and 
Lieutenant Mosely. a nurse, were the only ones permitted to 
attend. I ran up and found a corporal who had the curiosity 
to see the burial, and after some persuasion he took me along. 



.J" 



-Ji 



// 



And thus only three of the poor fellow's companions in suffering 
were permitted to pay the last tribute of respect to his memory. 
I found the corpse on the deck. A heavy bar of iron had been 
placed firmly between his legs and two of the boat hands were 
sewing his blankets tightly around him. Whilst sewing up the 
head, I saw one of them get a knife and cut off, as I supposed, 
a piece of blanket on each side of the head, but Mosely, who 
was nearer, says he knows it was the ears of the corpse ; they 
threw them overboard. I suppose this was some superstition of 
the ignorant sailors; at any rate, the ears were certainly cut off. 
Before the body was entirely sewed up the two boatmen com- 
menced cursing and quarreling, and I thought they would have 
a regular knockdown over the corpse. When ready for burial, 
Mosely and myself laid the body on a plank, which we extended 
over the guards so that, by a slight inclination of the plank, the 
body would slide into the sea. Captain Harris read the solemn 
burial service, the Yankee officers smoking and talking and swag- 
gering around us. and thus we committed our friend's remains 
to the deep. 

May God pardon our wicked persecutors for this hasty and 
unnecessary burial, during which we were so shocked by their 
levity and profanity. I soon went to bed. for we were then in 
the breakwater and at anchor, the lights being visible during the 
burial. At 2 o'clock I was awakened by someone saying that 
Lieutenant Dillard, of Arkansas, a particular friend, was dying. 
I put on my shoes and, stepping to his bunk some twenty feet 
distant, found that he also was "sleeping the sleep that knows 
no waking." His bunk mate, a private, who. poor fellow, had 
no other place to go to. very unwillingly yielded up his place, 
saying he reckoned he was not in the way. Captain Carson 
and myself, after we had satisfied ourselves that he was really 
dead, quietly stretched out the limbs, closed the eyes and covered 



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^^^ '"■' '' "Mi:- ..■.,^^,.3B li i^g^ 



the body with his blanket. We pursued this course to prevent 
the Yankees from again shocking our sense of propriety by 
another burial in sight of land. Again I went to sleep, and 
again I was awakened with the declaration that another man 
was dead. He was a private whose name I did not learn, and 
others laid out the body. Thus we spent the long night in the 
midst of disease and death, with none to pity who could relieve 
us. Though under the protecting care of the "best government 
on earth" we were only "damaged Rebels." We had withstood 
starvation, why couldn't we still live in a crowded, filthy, reeking 
hole for one week? I shall never forget the night, and may I be 
struck dumb if I ever join hands with a nation whose agents have 
thus cruelly persecuted me and my friends. 

March 12. 1865. 
At sunrise we weighed anchor and at 10 a. m. again 
anchored in the stream opposite Fort Delaware, which place I 
bade farewell to, as I thought forever, nearly seven months ago. 
Soon a tug came alongside and they commenced releasing us from 
the stench of the hole; a great rush was made to be first, but 
Carder and self got on the tug on the second trip. Landing, 
we were drawn up in line and the old game of counting com- 
menced. We recognized Schoepf and Wolfe, each of whom 
must have indulged very freely in lager beer during the winter. 
Randolph, "Johnny" and other old familiars were on hand, but 
the Ohio militia are gone and old soldiers are on guard. After 
counting and marching us for some two hours (during which our 
poor sick, to the number I suppose of 125, were carried in 
stretchers and ambulances to the hospital), we were finally 
searched for money, artillery and torpedos. During the search 
I luckily saw my brother and Robert Jeter, and, being near 
them. I had an opportunity, by casting one eye on the guard, to 

177 










38 



have quite a talk. I had written Quincy a long letter during 
the morning and asked a private to deliver it. Quincy gave me 
$110 m checks and a toothpick, all very acceptable. I found 
him well, and he said that all my company were, too. Saw 
T. E. Noise. 

We were soon marched mto the officers' pen and rammed 
into 34, 35, 36 and 37 till we were too thick to thrive, but 
many scattered off with old friends, and self and Carder found 
a miserable bunk in Division 35, between Toney Davis and 
Captain Carter, on one side, and Captain Patterson and Lieu- 
tenant Coon, on the other. De Garrett and Board have not been 
congenial for a long time, and for reasons not necessary to men- 
tion, I thought, with Board, that the old mess had better dis- 
solve. So Carder and I still hang together, he cooking and I 
furnishing, whilst Board and Garrett split off, each to himself. 

We got some dinner soon after entering the pen, fixed up a 
little, caught many a louse and talked with old friends. During 
last night some forty officers of Eearly's late rout arrived here, 
among them Capt. Don Halsey and Lieut. Wm. Callawan ; I 

found here also Tom Watts and Burks and Lieut. , whom 

we left here, Capt. P. M. Wright, Capt. L. C. James, Lieutenant 
Franklin, Lieutenant Waldron and Ensign Jesse Waldron. 

In our division we found no stove, and thus we are doomed 
to spend the winter without fire. I gathered much information 
about home. Received about five dollars due me from Walts, 
also a letter from father dated August, one from Thos. Halley. 
one from Gus Scruggs and one from home — all old letters. And 
thus is the tale of the 600 told — fourteen have taken the oath, 
some 1 25 have been exchanged, one Captain Board is in close 
confinement, 7 have escaped, 21 have died, 5 were left behind to 
die, while the balance of us, sick or under the weather, have 
been thrown in here without money to "root, hog, or die." I 



^^^^-^ , '^\r.'k^-^^^^r1^ri^ ^7i^^ 



^TJ-\ll'J-v ' 



should have stated that Lieutenant Cicero Allen. Captain Gas- 
tramski and Lieutenant De Priest cut a hole into the lumber room 
of the "Illinois." hid themselves and went to New York. Since 
then we have learned positively that Cicero was in Baltimore, 
and the presumption is that all three escaped. 

March 31. 1865. 
All the privates except recent captures, say 6,000. about 
100 officers, and the sick, have been paroled and have daily 
been expecting to leave. The Yanks raise their hopes one day 
and depress them the next. Very many of the 600 in the pen 
have broken out with scur\y and suffer greatly. Captain Cham- 
bers and self first raised a small subscription and bought some 
potatoes: finally the Christian association voted us $70.00, and 
Pete A. Kerr. Major Otey and other musicians have had two 
negro concerts, getting some I 60 pounds of chewing tobacco, and 
about $100.00 in money. Captain Chambers is expending it 
for onions and potatoes to be given scurvy men, and now. thanks 
to these efforts. I think all in the pen are improving. I wish I 
could say the same of the hospital, but. alas. Death has been 
busy there and there are other martyrs to the cause. 

April, 1865. 
Day by day the paper. "Philadelphia Enquirer." is eagerly 
sought after, for if is now apparent that the capital of the Con- 
federacy is to be fought for at an early day. Our intelligence 
IS that many men are deserting our army. We have seen that at 
Fort Steadman they fought with less than their usual gallantry, 
and most of us have great fears for the future. The continual 
shouting of the Yanks outside and their smiling faces tell us that 
they have good news and high hopes. The second had scarcely 
passed before the guns of the fort were booming in honor of the 

179 








downfall of our capital. Then another week of painful suspense 
during which we hoped that Lee might reach Danville intact, but 
before the dawn of the tenth we learned that Gen. Robert E. 
Lee, with the remnant of his grand old army of the Potomac, had. 
on the ninth, surrendered to Grant, at Appomattox Court House. 
This day's gloom I shall never forget. All outside was rejoicing, 
cannon booming. Inside, many shed tears; friends could not 
look into each other's faces. With many all hope was gone — 
we had reached the crisis where we had no country. After this 
day the high tone of the prison could not be sustained. Too 
many now thought only of home and were ready at the first 
moment to take the oath. Applications were made and men for 
the first time admitted that they had applied to take the oath. 
The United State? seemed all at once very liberal, and by order 
of the secretary of war we were permitted to receive boxes of 
food. I wrote for a box which was started to me on the thir- 
teenth. At sunrise the flag was at half-mast: the federals looked 
sad and yet furious. Then came the news that Lincoln had been 
assassinated and Seward probablv would die. Guns were fired 
at half-hour intervals. For days and davs the authorities prom- 
ised and were evidently ready for mischief to u<=. We gave them 
no cause — we had not been responsible for th'' assassination; it 
was not our way of conductinf' war Wo preserved our pro- 
priety by a dignified silence. At once, and for ten lone davs, all 
mails were stopped, all on parole to the island were sent inside 
and strict orders wero civen to shoot any man who expressed joy. 
Even the pames of ball, etc., were stopped for several days in 
our pen. When the mails were anain resumed annlications to take 

the oath poured out and T. had evidentlv excited intense 

fear. Finallv. on the fwentv-sixth of April, a roll of all was 
made out and each was solemnly asked whether he wa« willinp 
to ^ake the oath. Tliose willing seemed anxious to make it 

180 






popular. They said what was true, that on the day previous all 
the privates save a corporal's guard had taken the "pup. ' Many 
of us tried arguments, persuasion and ridicule. In vain we urged 
them to remember that Lee was not the cause, that two out of 
three armies still existed, and must be sustained. They were 
di'termined to take care of themselves. They talked everywhere of 
the great majority they would have, and said the few left would 
have no other chance and would be hung or banished. As the 
roil was called, those refusing said "No" so defiantly that the 
authorities more than once threatened. Those willing generally 

answered "Here" and then, as they passed Captain , said 

"^ es" in a low tone; many indicated by their manners, etc. — 
anything else but a conscience at ease. Many field officers set the 
example; others refused to speak out. A very considerable num- 
ber said no and immediately after made written applications to 
have the vote changed, and some actually wrote these applications 
before they voted. The morale of the pen was evidently gone, 
gone, gone. A count showed that out of 1 ,900 officers only 
600 had refused, of whom perhaps 200 had in less than forty- 
eight hours made application to change their vote. Lieutenant- 
Colonel Casey, Captains Wright and James, Lieutenant Carder, 
Waldron and J. Waldron, J. Harris, Johnson. Howard, and 
Captain Board, all consented to take the oath. Lieutenant Tom 
Vt'atts. Lieutenant Canlhom. self and Lieutenant Rucker and. I 
believe also. Lieutenant Hiram Burks refused. So much for 
Bedford men. On the same evening 320 officers originally at 
Johnson's Island, but carried to Point Lookout for exchange 
in March, were brought here and before they were brought in 
the pen all but eleven refused to take the oath. This proves 
that there were in our pen causes at work to produce the late 
vote. Among the new men I found Fred Mitchell. R. Vaughan 
and Henry Cofer. who all said "No" and thus strengthened the 



-/v. -^- ^*^'^- 



DIARY Ul- CAPT H (. DK> 



Bedford minority. During the four remaining days of April this 
vote was the great topic of conversation, and a good deal of bitter, 
angry feeling was engendered by violent men on both sides. The 
one side argued that as Lee had surrendered and Johnson had 
agreed with Sherman for terms which involved the surrender of 
all the troops remaining, we could do no harm to the cause. 
Others said that we had been given for the war by our states, 
that if some were now to take the oath they could not get home 
without being tried for treason, and that therefore the war con- 
tmucd and we were deserters. 1 he truth was between the two 
extremes. At the time of the vote neither knew that Johnston was 
surrendering, yet it was admitted by all that his escape was im- 
possible. During the month, except at about the time of Lincoln's 
death, the "negro shows" were continued weekly for the benefit 
of the sick, and some one hundred and sixty dollars was spent 
by Captain Chambers for their benefit. A number whom we 
thought would die recovered, and the general condition of the 
Hilton Head and Pulaski men has vastly improved; they are 
no longer to be distinguished from other prisoners by their sores 
and sickly faces. Others, mcluding myself, have been entirely 
restored to health. A number at the hospital are doubtless dead, 
but we have no means of learning their names. 

On the tenth day of April an order from the secretary of 
war was posted in prison, authorizing prisoners to receive clothing 
and food from their friends. I immediately wrote to Mrs. Edger- 
ton, who, on the thirteenth, started me a box weighing 200 pounds 
containing ham, eggs, cheese, sugar, butter, coffee, peaches and 
many other good things. The order of the tenth was annulled 
before the box was delivered, for nothing was delivered for two 
weeks after Lincoln's death, and during the time my box was 
confiscated. Many others shared the same fate. The Yanks 
pretend that all such things are for use of the hospital, but it is 

182 



'^^~W^~^ 





nolorious that the sick get nothing except the simplest, poorest 
diet. The Yankee officials, as I believe, almost support them- 
selves in this way. and yet. hypocritical race, we Southerners only 
are guilty of ill-treatment to prisoners. During this month the 
Yanks threatened to put guards in the pen to prevent the com- 
mission of certain nameless petty offenses. With the view of 
keeping out guards a convention was called consisting of one 
representative from each division. With plenary powers, this 
convention met and provided for the appointment of a court 
martial, a chief of police, a regular guard, etc. ; they gave to the 
court the power to punish all offenses. When this action was 
reported back by our delegate. Colonel Fulkerson, I opposed it 
bitterly, and, after expressing my views, moved that a delegate 
be sent to the convention instructed to say that this division was 
opposed to the punishment of any offense made punishable by the 
military code of the Confederate states, but that it would approve 
of the proper punishment of little offenses against decency and 
public health, provided the offense and punishment be plainly set 
forth and the laws properly published. This was carried over- 
whelmingly in Division 35, and Captain Diggs was appointed a 
delegate. General discussion was provoked; the convention re- 
ceded from their extreme ground and finally broke up without any 
laws. Prisoners are jealous of power. 

May. 1865. 

This month sets in with a deep gloom resting on us. Our 
last prop has been torn away. The government is, or soon will 
be. defunct. A reign of terror exists. Our families are starving 
and we have no hope for the future ; perhaps, before the end of 
this month, we shall have taken upon ourselves that oath which 
we have always considered so mfamous. On the last Sunday of 
April it was slated beyond doubt that the oath would be again 

183 







tendered us on the next day. We had just received information 
of the formal surrender by General Johnston of all his forces. 
Were we released from allegiance to the Confederate states? 
This question troubled many. The Virgmians, who up to this 
time had refused to take the oath, determined to have a meeting 
and consult. We met at 1 1 a. m. on Sunday. Colonel Moseby, 
of Buckingham, was in the chair. Major Otey, of Lynchburg, 
acted as secretary. I was first called up and spoke for perhaps 
one-half hour. I argued that it was yet too soon to act. that the 
plans of Mr. Davis were not known and that he alone could 
release us. Captain Carrington, Captain McCue, Captain Swan, 
Captain Halsey. and many others followed, all thinking that the 
peculiar condition of Virginia demanded that we should now take 
the oath and go home. The meeting adjourned for dinner; in the 
evening I was called to the chair and our meeting opened with 
prayer. It was a most solemn convocation. No intemperate 
language was used, but real elegance, which was prompted by our 
hopeless condition, caused many to shed tears. I shall never for- 
get this meeting. We passed no resolutions, we left each to act 
for himself, but we were brought nearer together. We felt that 
we were brothers in adversity, and there was a tacit understanding 
that all of us would go home eventually and try to redeem old 
Virginia. 

On the second of May the authorities again brought in their 
roll and submitted the question whether we would then take the 
oath. This time almost all the Virginians said yes. Tom Watts, 
myself and four or five others from Virginia still held out. I 
asked for time to consider, and stated that I hoped soon to be 
able to decide. This was refused me. and it was hinted that this 
might be the last chance. I would not take counsel of my fears. 
I would not be driven to act. Colonel Falsbery. a Swede in 
command of the Virginia regiment, stood by and agreed with me. 



DIARY OF 



It was supposed, and those who had previously said yes affirmed 
the statement, that only about thirty would refuse to take the oath. 
My friends begged me not to run the risk of being left nearly alone 
and then perhaps tried for treason, but upon a count it was found 
one hundred and sixty-two officers that day refused to accept the 
oath. Quiet was again restored to the prison, though a feverish 
anxiety prevailed to get out as soon as possible. "Grape" became 
abundant and ridiculous. Schoepf started to Washington, as was 
said to release all hands, and never was man looked for more 
anxiously; but he came not till the tenth. On the fourth we had 
news of Dick Taylor's surrender and of the voluntary surrender 
of Secretary Mallory. This shook our faith very much. On the 
fifth Mrs. Edgerton. who never deceived me, wrote that "Joe" 
and "Kirby" had undoubtedly followed the example set them 
early in April. Thus was my last prop gone and on the seventh 
I wrote to Mrs. Edgerton that I saw no necessity to hold out 
longer, and that painful as it was to succumb I must at last say 
that I would now take the oath if offered. She replied to this 
letter on the ninth and stated that, as she knew now what she 
could promise for me. she wished to know when and where I was 
captured. She said that she intended to see the great man of the 
day and he should not say no. The letter reached me on the 
tenth, the day Johnson's proclamation declaring war at an end 
was published, and also the date on which was heard the rumor 
of Taylor's surrender. Again I was in great doubt — ^Mallory 
had not surrendered; Taylor's surrender was only reported; Kirby 
Smith was still in arms — yet the United States had ceased to look 
on us as prisoners of war. Paroled prisoners were being required 
to take the oath. General Lee had advised officers in Norfolk 
to take the oath. General Johnston's order advised his soldiers 
to become good citizens. Shall I ask my friend to ask this poor 
privilege for me. or shall I stand with arms folded and await my 




-.''•<, 




destiny? Today, the eleventh, I still doubt and will wait and see. 
Having read the daily paper I replied to Mrs. Edgerton that she 
had been misinformed as to the surrender of Kirby Smith and that 
the voluntary surrender of Sergeant Mallory did not appear to 
be confirmed. The Confederacy, therefore, existed m some sense, 
and I must therefore decline her intercession unless she knew there 
was a pressing necessity. 

May 12, 1865. 
One year ago today I was captured. Alas, what a change 
in twelve months ! 

May 14. 1865. 

Today it is reported that Mr. Davis and cabinet have been 
captured. Lieutenant Findley. of Virginia, took the oath and 
learned from his friend, Mrs Boyd, that Grant favored the imme- 
diate release of all prisoners who would take the oath, and Grant 
thought that the president agreed with him. 

7 he opinion prevails here strongly that we may soon look 
for war with France. Last night I received a letter from father 
dated Lynchburg, May 2nd, stating that he, in company with my 
own and Quincy's families, would leave for Kanawha in ten days, 
and today I wrote to my wife at Kanawha. 

May 15. 1865. 
The paper today confirms the report of the capture at Irwin- 
ville, Irwin County. Georgia, of the president of the Confederate 
States. Can it be true as stated that Georgians assisted in his 
capture? The intelligence, I must confess, seems not to affect 
the prison seriously, but the truth is much bad news has made us 
all callous. We were never more reckless of death than when in 
the midst of it at Fort Pulaski. This last blow which tops off the 
head of my government — which forbids me to hope for a treaty 




WTW- 





*" I&h^ DIARY OH ' 



that in time to come might restore the Confederacy — leaves me 
now no hope; there is nothing to chng to. I am at sea without 
a compass, owing no allegiance, but, as I wish to go back to 
Virginia. I shall lake the oath of allegiance to the United States 
as soon as it is offered. Today some twelve or fifteen officers 
took the oath, and left for their homes. They applied for it when 
they dared not proclaim it. 

May 16. 1865. 
Received a letter from Tom Holley. who says he will go with 
me to Brazil. Received a letter from Mrs. Edgerton. telling 
me that I must act in a few days, and again offering to do what 
she could to get me out. I wrote that I would now take the oath, 
and if she could get me out on those conditions to do so. Infor- 
mation reached here that orders would soon be received releasing 
only those who had applied, so I at once formally wrote Captain 
Ahl that I would accept the oath. This was a bitter pill. Today 
a number of us were called out and received some old checks, 
drafts, etc.. sent us at Fort Pulaski. I got draft on Bank of 
America for $50.00, dated December 5. 1864, sent by father. 
The sutler refused to cash it on account of date. I wrote to 
Bank of America to know if it would be paid. 

May 18. 1865. 
A formal paper gotten up by those who have heretofore 
refused the oath, and self, Captam Henderson and some sixty 
others signed it. It is to be sent to Ahl, and asks that we be put 
upon the roll as willing to accept the amnesty proclamation. 

May 21. 1865. 
This morning Major General Wheeler, Colonel Johnson, 
Colonel Lubbock and others of the president's and Wheeler's 

187 






staff were brought into this prison. They were at once besieged 
for news, and during the evening I had a long interview with 
Colonel Lubbock, ex-governor of Texas, and on Mr. Davis' staff. 
He was with the president when captured and says he was cap- 
tured about daybreak of the tenth in his tent, and just as he had 
gotten out of his bed. robe de chambre. and put on his boots. 
He said that all hands had been surprised, and that the federals 
who rushed into the president were supposed to be robbers — hence 
the resistance at first offered by Mr. Davis with a knife. Colonel 
Lubbock said that the president's tent was surrounded when the 
yell awakened him (Colonel Lubbock). The president moved 
in that direction because the upper part of Georgia and Alabama 
were in the hands of the enemy ; he met his wife by accident a few 
days before capture. His object was to trust to the Gulf in open 
boat, if he could not pass through lower Georgia toward the 
trans-Mississippi. He had no specie; it had been left partly 
under the navy, partly with General Johnston, and a portion under 
the secretary of war. Mrs. Davis had a small amount of private 
gold, which, being in General Reagan's saddlebags, was appro- 
priated by the Yanks. They plundered the private property of 
Mrs. Davis, even some sugar and tea. The president bore himself 
from first to last with manliness and fortitude. A Mississippi 
captain actually intruded to plunder the wagons, but when he 
found them was dissuaded by a Mississippian ; he then gave the 
wagons a pass to protect them from his own men. After the 
capture Georgians generally looked upon the president as a show, 
though some extended their courtesy and sympathy. 

May 23, 1865. 
General Wheeler. Colonel Lubbock. Johnson and party all 
taken out today. We cannot tell where they go. Captain Mar- 
tin, Capt. Don Halsey. Lieutenant Morgan and half a dozen 



1 A — 1-»^ 

\RY or C' 



others left for their homes within a day or two apart. We are 
still hoping for a general jail delivery. Received a letter yester- 
day from J. F. Johnson, advising me to take oath and saying 
father was waiting for me in Bedford. 




189 



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